Motives for Sport Participation as Predictors of Motivation Outcomes in Track and Field: A Self-Determination Theory Perspective

Abstract

The extent to which motives for sport participation predict motivation outcomes was investigated in a study embracing self-determination theory and couched in Vallerand’s hierarchical model of motivation at the contextual level. Data were collected from 159 collegiate athletes. Motives for sport participation were assessed using the Sport Motivation Scale. Cognitive, affective, and behavioral measures were used to assess contextual motivation outcomes. Linear regression analyses examined the extent to which sport motives predicted motivation outcomes (satisfaction, concentration, and persistence). Amotivation emerged as a strong negative predictor of the outcome measures. External and introjected regulations and three intrinsic motives did not predict any of the motivation outcomes. The results do not support previous findings and offer only limited support of Vallerand’s model.

Motives for Sport Participation as Predictors of Motivation Outcomes in Track and Field: A Self-Determination Theory Perspective

Two types of motivation, intrinsic and extrinsic, have been of particular interest to researchers in the field of sport psychology (Deci & Ryan, 1985, 2000, 2008; Vallerand, 1997, 2001). Intrinsic motivation entails participation in an activity for the feelings of fun, pleasure, excitement, and satisfaction associated with it, while extrinsic motivation involves participation for the attainment of such rewards as money, trophies, and social approval or to avoid punishment. One of the most widely applied theoretical approaches to these types of motivation is self-determination theory, or SDT (Deci & Ryan, 1985, 2000; Ryan, 1995; Ryan & Deci, 2000). SDT also involves the concept of amotivation, or having no sense of purpose and lacking intent to engage in a particular behavior. SDT posits that the different types of motivation range on a continuum from high to low self-determination: intrinsic motivation–extrinsic motivation–amotivation (Deci & Ryan, 1985, 2000).

Vallerand (1997, 2001) embraced elements of SDT and integrated them within a hierarchical theory of motivation. His model asserts that social factors, mediators (autonomy, competence, and relatedness), motivations, and consequences (affect, cognition, and behavior) exist at three levels, the global level, contextual level, and situational level. A number of studies have indicated that behavioral regulations spanning the SDT continuum would lead to a corresponding pattern of consequences (Ratelle, Vallerand, Chantal, & Provencher, 2004; Sarrazin, Vallerand, Guillet, Pelletier, & Cury, 2002; Standage, Duda, & Ntoumanis, 2003; Standage & Vallerand, 2008; Taylor, Ntoumanis, & Standage, 2008; Vlachopoulos, Karageorghis, & Terry, 2000; Wilson, Rodgers, Fraser, & Murray, 2004). That is, autonomous regulations and intrinsic motivation are expected to correspond with more positive outcomes, whereas less self-determined forms of regulation (external and introjected regulations) correspond with more negative outcomes, such as poor focus, burnout, and dropout. Vallerand’s proposals have found broad support in a range of sport and physical activity contexts (Standage et al., 2003; Wilson et al., 2004; Ntoumanis, 2001, 2005; Spray, Wang, Biddle, & Chatzisarantis, 2006); however, to date no study has examined these proposals in the context of a single sport.

The purpose of the present study was to examine the extent to which motives for sport participation predicted motivation outcomes at the contextual level of motivation, thus affording a direct test of Vallerand’s (1997, 2001) model. On the basis of previous work (Ntoumanis, 2001; Vallerand & Bissonnette, 1992; Pelletier, Fortier, Vallerand, Tuson, Briere, & Blais, 1995; Ntoumani & Ntoumanis, 2006), it was hypothesized that identified regulation and the dimensions of intrinsic motivation would be significant positive predictors of motivation outcomes, while amotivation would be a significant negative predictor.

Method

Participants

A sample of 159 volunteer track and field athletes was tested at eight athletics clubs in the London, United Kingdom, area (66 women and 93 men). Their mean age was 19.7 years (SD = 2.8). English was the first language of all participants. Full details of the ethnicity and level of participation of participants can be requested from the second author. Eighty-five athletes participated in sprint events (53.5%), 30 in middle distance events (18.9%), 33 in throwing events (20.7%), 4 in long-distance events (2.5%), and 7 in multievents (4.4%). Their years of experience in track and field ranged from 1 to 18 (M = 5.8 years, SD = 3.5).

Measures

Sport Motivation Scale. The 28-item Sport Motivation Scale (Pelletier et al., 1995) was based on SDT and designed to assess contextual intrinsic motivation, extrinsic motivation, and amotivation. Athletes respond to the item “Why do you practice your sport?” with responses from a Likert-type scale that ranges from 1 (does not correspond at all) to 7 (corresponds exactly). The Sport Motivation Scale (SMS) consists of seven subscales with four items attached to each. The participation motives operationalized by the SMS, ranging from the most to the least self-determined, are as follows: intrinsic motivation to know (“for the pleasure of discovering new training techniques”); intrinsic motivation toward accomplishment (“for the satisfaction I experience while I am perfecting my abilities”); intrinsic motivation to experience stimulation (“for the excitement I feel when I am really involved in the activity”); identified regulation (“because in my opinion, it is one of the best ways to meet people”); introjected regulation (“because I must do sports regularly”); external regulation (“to show others how good I am at my sport”); and amotivation (“it is not clear to me anymore; I really don’t think my place is in sport”). The SMS has strong psychometric properties (Pelletier et al.; Vallerand & Losier, 1999). Confirmatory factor analysis was used to support the factor structure, while correlations between subscales and criterion measures were consistent with theoretical predictions. Further, internal consistency estimates were acceptable for all subscales (α = .74– .80) with the exception of identified regulation (.63).

Affective outcome measure. Satisfaction was used as an affective outcome and was assessed using a single item: “I am satisfied with my participation in the sport I currently practice” (Vlachopoulos et al., 2000). Participants responded on a Likert-type scale ranging from 1 (I do not at all feel satisfied) to 7 (I feel extremely satisfied).

Cognitive outcome measure. Concentration was used as a cognitive outcome and was assessed using the dimension of concentration on task at hand from the Dispositional Flow Scale-2 (Jackson & Eklund, 2002). This dimension consists of four items (e.g., “I have total concentration”) and participants provided responses on a Likert-type scale ranging from 1 (never) to 5 (always).

Behavioral outcome measure. The behavioral outcome of persistence was assessed using the mean of three items: “I intend/I will try/I am determined to continue participation in the sport I currently practice during this year” (Vlachopoulos et al., 2000). Responses were provided on a semantic differential scale ranging from 1 (extremely unlikely) to 7 (extremely likely).

Procedure

The study was approved in accordance with the published procedures of the Brunel University Ethics Committee. Coaches and team managers were approached by both authors, in order to obtain permission to administer questionnaires to athletes. The general purpose of the study was explained, and, subsequently, written informed consent was sought from participants. Only two athletes did not provide informed consent and thus did not participate in the study.

Prior to a training session, participants provided demographic details, then completed the SMS (Pelletier et al., 1995). Following a gap of 1 week, the contextual motivational outcomes were assessed prior to the corresponding training session. The time gap was used to reduce the possibility of any extraneous environmental factors impacting upon the relationship between motives for sport participation and motivation outcomes (Kelly, 1988).

Data Analysis

Data screening was undertaken to check for missing data and to ensure that values were within expected ranges. Univariate outliers were identified using z scores > ±3.29 and multivariate outliers using the Mahalanobis distance method (p < .001; Tabachnick & Fidell, 2007). Cases that had multiple univariate outliers or were multivariate outliers were deleted from the data file, while additional univariate outliers were reduced by modifying their raw score toward the mean, to a unit below the next least extreme raw score (Tabachnick & Fidell, p. 77). Checks were conducted for the parametric assumptions underlying standard linear regression, specifically normality, linearity, homoscedasticity, and independence of residuals. Standard linear regression analyses were used to predict the three outcome
measures from the seven SMS subscales.

Results

Following data screening, three cases that had multiple univariate outliers and one case that was a multivariate outlier were identified and deleted. Also, 11 univariate outliers were identified and transformed to ensure that the corresponding z score fell within the accepted range (Tabachnick & Fidell, 2007). The mean Sport Motivation Scale scores were highest for the self-determined motives (see table 1), indicating that the present sample participated in sport predominantly for intrinsic and identified reasons rather than external and introjected reasons.

Table 1

Descriptive Statistics for the Sport Motivation Scale and Outcome Measures

VariableMSDRangeSkewnessKurtosis

Sport Motivation Scale
Amotivation 7.46 4.24 4.00-2.00 1.24 0.97
External regulation 15.35 4.68 4.00-27.00 0.14 -0.45
Introjected regulation 15.90 5.53 4.00-28.00 0.25 -0.67
Identified regulation 15.98 4.74 4.00-28.00 0.10 -0.42
Intrinsic motivation to know 19.88 4.34 9.00-28.00 -0.19 -0.57
Intrinsic motivation toward accomplishments 21.50 3.92 10.00-28.00 -0.56 -0.38
Intrinsic motivation to experience stimulation 20.68 3.72 11.00-28.00 -0.26 -0.35
Outcome measures
Satisfaction 5.40 1.25 1.00-7.00 -1.25 1.42
Concentration 15.26 2.18 9.00-20.00 0.19 -0.15
Persistence 6.89 0.27 6.00-7.00 -2.46 4.92

Normality checks of skewness and kurtosis values indicated that the only problematic variable among the 10 examined was persistence (see table 1). This is indicative of the fact that participants generally indicated strong intentions to persist in track and field. Given that this was the only problematic variable, a decision was taken not to apply logarithmic transformation.

Thereafter, three separate linear regression analyses were conducted to predict each outcome measure from the SMS subscales (see table 2). Collectively, independent variables revealed a significant (p < .01) overall prediction within each regression equation. Amotivation emerged as a strong negative predictor of each of the three motivation outcomes. Contrary to expectations, the intrinsic motives did not predict the outcome measures in any of the equations. The predictor variables accounted for the highest degree of percentage variance in the outcome of satisfaction (16%), followed by concentration (9%), and persistence (6%).

Table 2

Standard Linear Regression to Predict Motivation Outcomes from Motives for Sport Participation

Dependent variablePredictor variableStandardized beta (β)

Satisfaction Amotivation -0.40*
External regulation 0.18
Introjected regulation -0.06
Identified regulation -0.02
Intrinsic motivation to know 0.05
Intrinsic motivation toward accomplishment 0.02
Intrinsic motivation to experience stimulation 0.09
R = 0.45
R2 = 0.16
Concentration Amotivation -0.24*
External regulation 0.19
Introjected regulation -0.02
Identified regulation -0.06
Intrinsic motivation to know -0.16

Note. The analysis of variance corresponding with each linear regression analysis was significant (p < .01).

* p < .01.

Discussion

The purpose of the present study was to examine the extent to which motives for sport participation predicted motivation outcomes at the contextual level of motivation in a single sport. More specifically, this study examined the proposition that more self-determined forms of motivation are positively associated with motivation outcomes than either their controlling counterparts or amotivation (Deci & Ryan, 1985; Ryan & Deci, 2000).

Results indicated that amotivation negatively predicted the contextual motivation outcomes, which corroborates recent findings pertaining to this dimension (Deci & Ryan, 2000; Wilson et al., 2004). However, neither intrinsic motives nor external or introjected regulations predicted any of the outcome measures. Collectively, the present results appear to offer only very limited support for the research hypothesis; autonomous regulations and intrinsic motivation were not positive predictors of the motivation outcomes.

Contrary to expectations, the present findings do not support those of previous studies which showed that identified regulation and intrinsic motivation were positively associated with motivation outcomes at the contextual level of motivation (Wilson et al., 2004; Ntoumanis, 2001; Ntoumani & Ntoumanis, 2006). It is plausible that the predictive efficacy of intrinsic motivation to know may be lower in track and field than in some other sports, because track and field is primarily a motoric sport involving relatively few tactics; athletes follow their coaches’ instructions closely and do not exhibit a particularly deep desire to explore new performance strategies. However, it is acknowledged that anecdotal evidence suggests this may not generalize to elite performers (Johnson, 1996; Lewis & Jeffrey, 1990). A further plausible cause for the anomalous findings is that coaches emphasize and strongly encourage peer or social comparison (competition) among athletes, which may well weaken the link between intrinsic motivation and outcomes (Spray et al., 2006; Whitehead, 1993).

The regression analyses predicted a relatively small percentage of the variance in the cognitive and behavioral outcomes but a considerable percentage of the affective outcome (16%). This indicates that behavioral regulations are strong predictors of how people feel about their participation in sport. Most notably, amotivation was found to be a strong antithetical marker of satisfaction, a finding that is entirely consistent with theoretical predictions (Ntoumanis, 2001; Wilson et al., 2004). This implies that if coaches are to address the potentially deleterious effects of amotivation, an effective strategy would be to apply mood- and emotion-regulation strategies and to demonstrate some sensitivity toward athletes’ affective states.

Another interesting aspect of track and field which may, to a degree, account for the somewhat anomalous findings, is its multidisciplinary nature. This means not only are psychological needs underlying intrinsic motivation being frustrated by the sport’s coactive nature and emphasis on social comparison, there is in addition a further level of competition between event groups, for example sprints versus throws or jumps versus distance running. Proponents of each event group vie for use of facilities, limited financial resources, and media attention. This fusion of conflicting forces makes track and field a very distinct sport, which may account for the present results’ lack of support for the propositions of SDT. This is indeed the first study in the sport literature to offer a voice of dissent by suggesting that SDT has very limited predictive efficacy in terms of motivation outcomes.

Limitations of the Present Study

Data for the present study were collected at the height of the summer track and field season, and participants were, consequently, immersed in their preparations for competition. A strong orientation toward performance outcomes may have served to undermine their intrinsic motivation to a degree. More specifically, the overt emphasis on competition at that time of year may have promoted an external locus of causality, given that competition is
inherently controlling in nature (Fortier, Vallerand, Briere, & Provencher, 1995; Vansteenkiste & Deci, 2003).

The varying participation levels of athletes in the present sample could also have accounted for unexpected findings pertaining to the predictive efficacy of self-determined forms of motivation. Essentially, it is conceivable that different combinations of motives may be relevant to athletes competing at different levels. For example, the external regulation score of international athletes (M = 16.37) indicated that their sport participation was less self-determined than was the participation of their recreational counterparts (M = 14.71), albeit this difference did not reach statistical significance (p < .05).

Conclusions and Recommendations

The present findings provide very limited support for Vallerand’s (1997, 2001) hierarchical model of intrinsic and extrinsic motivation and, indeed, for posits of SDT (Deci & Ryan, 1985, 2000; Ryan & Deci, 2000). Contrary to expectations, results indicated that amotivation was the only predictor of the contextual motivational outcomes.

The practical implications of the present findings lie in promoting factors that underpin intrinsic motivation in track and field. Perceptions of autonomy and individual mastery will nurture intrinsic motivation and ultimately improve sport performance (Edmunds, Ntoumanis, & Duda, 2006; Whitehead, 1993; Wilson & Rodgers, 2004). Coaches should emphasize positive sensations such as fun and excitement that result from participation, while tempering their emphasis on peer comparison (Taylor et al., 2008; Whitehead, 1993). Further, coaches should be trained in the principles underlying emotional intelligence, given that the present findings suggest that sensitivity to athletes’ affective states is likely to buffer the potentially negative consequences of amotivation.

A promising direction for further research would be to investigate the psychological need for relatedness, given that much past sport motivation research has focused on the need for autonomy and the need for competence (e.g., Deci & Ryan, 2008; Vallerand & Losier, 1999). It appears likely that the need for relatedness may be frustrated in track and field, owing to the track and field sports’ potential for conflict and coaches’ overt emphasis on peer comparison.

Future research should explore additional motivation outcomes, for example cognitive outcomes such as attention span and level of learning (Ntoumanis, 2001). Moreover, additional research is warranted into the antecedents of amotivation, in order to minimize negative consequences such as burnout and dropout. Finally, replication of the present study during the off-season would yield insightful comparative data, since participation in track and field is orientated more toward self-development than it is toward peer or social comparison. The predictive efficacy of sport motives may well vary from competitive periods to noncompetitive periods, and this would hold important implications for theory development.

References

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Advantages of Diversifying the Funds of Sports Organizations

Advantages of Diversifying the Funds of Sports Organizations

Diversification of funds is a hot topic in the business world. The sports world must adapt and apply diversification principles in order to maximize the stability of sports organizations. Diversification is a generic term that can be applied to assets, funds, and investors. Making sure these financial factors are well maintained is critical to the overall fiscal success of a sports organization. This paper seeks to establish the importance of diversifying funds within sports organizations. It also investigates the financial advantages of diversification, which include percentage return, stability, and investors. The paper is an exploration tailored to individuals who want to discover the importance of diversification, for example coaches, administrators, and the general public.

One definition of diversification is “an investment fund that contains a wide array of securities to reduce the amount of risk in the fund” (Diversified Fund, n.d.). The logic beneath advocating diversification is that “Actively maintaining diversification prevents events that affect one sector from affecting an entire portfolio, making large losses less likely” (Diversified Fund, n.d.). Diversification, then, is a key component of achieving long-term financial stability and success.

In discussing diversification of funds, one acknowledges two general categories of funds, the diversifiable and undiversifiable. Diversifiable funds are those that can be controlled by the company, for example choosing where to invest monies, choosing the amount of money to be diversified, the business and financial risk associated with types of investments, and the current status of diversification options. Undiversifiable funds involve matters beyond an organization’s control, such as rates of currency exchange, political developments, fluctuations in investment fields, and interest rates. To become and remain financially sound, a sports business must take all of these under consideration as it identifies the method of diversification that best serves its needs (Chamberlain, 2003).

Diversifying funds is a serious endeavor for financial organizations. There are many factors to consider before reaching a final decision. An organization must decide if diversification will benefit its financial needs, including determining any long-term benefits to its fiscal well-being (Brooks & Kat, 2002). Every sports organization has unique needs; every team in a league has its own unique needs, as well, given that different team-owning corporations emphasize different areas of finance. Deciding on the proper amount of diversification can be an arduous task, but it is worth the time and effort, because the economic stability of the organization is at stake.

Because diversification has become increasingly popular, diversification options have expanded. Many banks, other financial outfits, and sports establishments now offer guidance or services aimed at funds diversification. Understanding one’s organization’s particular needs is essential in determining the most effective diversification method. Its monetary structure must be thoroughly scrutinized. Investing without fully understanding the organization’s status could prove disastrous.

Importance of Liquid Cash

Liquidity describes “how fast something can be turned into cold hard cash” (Kennon, n.d.). Keeping much liquid cash is considered by many to be a waste of investment potential; however, it has proved beneficial in some instances. For example, when catastrophe strikes some area (or areas) of investment, those portions of a financial portfolio which are liquid would suffer minimal damage. The September 11, 2001, events, for example, had a tremendous negative effect on financial stability. In the wake of the attacks, many of the United States’ financial structures suffered from a dramatic decrease in consumer confidence. Stock market investors even had to endure a 4-day freeze on their holdings. This had an incredible impact on America’s confidence in the market. Because catastrophe in inherently unpredictable, there is a sense of security in keeping some part of an organization’s finances liquid (Kennon, n.d.).

Traditionally, bank accounts have been regarded as a safe alternative to investments. Although savings accounts generally offer less return on one’s money, the money in such accounts is generally secure even in the event of an emergency. Having quick access to money can be the difference between a business’s success and its failure. When companies or sports organizations have most of their money tied up in nonliquid investments or holdings and an immediate need for funds arises, it can be difficult to fulfill that need. If a sports organization is going through a downturn in terms of ticket sales or sponsorships, the team may find itself unable to make payroll, which requires liquid cash. Such instability can have far-reaching effects on consumer support, fan support, and the general appeal of the organization within the sports community. Keeping adequate supplies of liquid cash allows sports organizations to continue to function throughout trying economic periods, and persisting in rocky times will allow an organization to develop and achieve success.

Diversification of finances helps to eliminate the effects of sudden changes in particular areas of investment. These specific changes are generally referred to as unsystematic risks, and they strike when least expected, by their very nature producing devastating effects on those invested too heavily in the stricken area. In this instance, the term unsystematic means that the investment did not meet expectations, but was drastically affected by an unforeseen circumstance like fire, strike, or scandal. Unpredictable, unsystematic risks frequently influence the liquidity of an investment.

Liquidity, again, is the capacity of a financial holding to be turned into cash without being affected by the present economy. The liquidity of diversification can prove to be extremely beneficial to sports organizations, because of their constant need for liquid cash. Furthermore, the more liquid the diversified investment, the safer is the money that was invested. However, liquidity’s price is often a lower return. Common forms of liquid assets are certificates of deposit, stocks, and bonds. While most experts consider certificates of deposit to be relatively liquid, there is a penalty for withdrawing funds froms certificates prior to a date set as the certificates’ date of maturity. Stocks and bonds are regarded as slightly less liquid than certificates of deposit, although both can typically be converted into cash within a couple days.

Liquid cash is viewed as an organization’s heart and soul. This is particularly relevant to sports organizations because of their direct need for cash. Operational cash flow must be sustained by the organization if the organization is to be deemed successful. Banks are the safest course for organizations aiming to maintain operational cash flow, because banks often act as a mediator between investments and ready cash. The basic rule of liquidity is simple and finite within a sports organization: If the organization cannot meet its financial needs, it will fail.

Savings Accounts

Savings accounts are commonplace in today’s economic structure. They are a safe alternative to risking money in investments which may never produce a return. Savings accounts are a way to save money that does not immediately need to be spent; the money is considered liquid because it is easily accessed—although it is not as liquid as funds in a checking account. Checking accounts are the most fluid form of investment, because banks administering the accounts assume the money will be promptly retrieved. For this reason, checking accounts tend to offer lower interest rates than savings accounts. Banks offer many types of savings accounts, but it is important to research associated fees and interest rates before determining which savings account is right for one’s business. Because savings accounts are not accessed as frequently as checking accounts, banks pay a higher interest rate on savings. Savings account interest rates are often between 1% and 3%, depending on the institution and type of account.

Savings accounts have changed over the past 20 years. Online banking services have led to a transitioning of the traditional savings account, one in which deposited savings slowly built interest. Owners of savings accounts in the past had to wait for earned interest, which was applied to deposits only on a few preset dates throughout the year. With online banking, interest is applied minute by minute, making an account’s maturity instantaneous.

Banks can pay interest on savings deposits because they use the money to fund loans, on which they charge interest greater than the interest paid to savers. In short, the banks are selling the money (Pritchard, n.d.). Savings accounts are viewed as safe because the money is insured. If something were to happen to the bank, the money would always be recoverable, thanks to the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation, a government bank-insurance program established after the Great Depression.

Sports organizations often take advantage of savings accounts to keep their resources in a safe place, out of the hands of individuals, since there is a history of individuals mishandling teams’ funds. Keeping money in a secured savings account eliminates part of that problem, because the money is easily traced to and from the bank. Professional sports teams that have substantial sums to keep in savings accounts can benefit greatly from interest earned. In short, it has become a necessity for businesses to possess savings accounts. Savings accounts allow businesses to store money and yet, simultaneously, gain interest. One of the prime advantages of a savings account is that the money stays separate from the normal circulation of funds.

Investors

Obtaining investors is one of the most challenging, and also most potentially profitable, aspects of stabilizing a business’s finances. When businesses begin operations, money is often hard to come by; money from investors can mean the difference between success and failure. Investors are individuals or businesses that provide money to an organization, in hopes of receiving a financial return on their investment. Investors can invest money in various facets of organizations, ranging from advertisement to stocks and bonds. The bottom line is that organizations have a great need for investors’ money during the start-up phase, and investors expect financial progress on an organization’s part, in order to maximize return on their investments. It is a situation not free of stress: The start-up business and its investors are concerned that the business become financially stable and able to turn a profit (Arnold, n.d.). And investor confidence is time sensitive; the longer it takes the business to become established, the greater the impact on investor confidence.

Small sports companies and entrepreneurs may be able to fund their business opportunities helped by friends and family only. Or, they may look to “angel investors.” Corporations must be cautious about involving angel investors (Advani, 2006). They typically do not have access to large amounts of money, and a corporation will need to ensure that the funds offered are actually available.

Information is the key to attracting investors. Investors need to know the current status of the organization and the rate of growth within its market. Having information about an organization’s competition can also enhance investors’ confidence. Many investors require the signing of an investment agreement establishing a framework, rules, and guidelines for the investment, outlining the steps to be followed to achieve success. An investment agreement makes clear that a new business is serious about its long-term profitability. Companies often use two forms of communication to maintain healthy investor relationships, the record of growth statement and the financial statement. The information in these statements provides investors the bottom line on their investments’ current status. If used properly, the statements also show investors that the business is able to set and meet (or at least approach) goals, which can be a great advantage in maintaining investor confidence.

Stock and Bonds

Professional sports organizations that own sufficient resources have an opportunity to make investments of their own—in stocks and bonds. If the investments are sound, the organization’s worth can grow markedly. Purchasing stocks and bonds is a common means of diversifying funds. Stocks can be purchased by the general public and represent ownership in companies. The price of stock issued by companies that are experiencing success goes up, allowing the investor to receive more money than he or she invested. The price of stock issued by companies that struggle goes down, and an investor may not only see no return on investment, he or she may lose the money initially paid for the stock. Unlike stocks, bonds do not represent ownership, being more akin to a loan. A company issues a bond in order to raise money to fund its daily operations. The purchaser of a bond is essentially loaning the purchase price to the company for a specified time, having been promised by the company that when the time elapses, the loan and interest will be returned. Both stocks and bonds are means of diversification that are considered lucrative and are readily accessible in today’s financial structure.

In the stock market, where stocks are bought and sold, the basic strategy is, of course, buy low and sell high. But investors regularly fall short of this aim, since the market can be unpredictable. In such instances, diversification can play a major role in investors’ overall success in the stock market. To use the old cliché, not putting all the eggs in one basket—in other words, investing in more than one kind of stock—can protect an investor, since falling stock prices in one area of the market may not affect prices in other areas. Diversifying the categories of stocks in which one invests is also a protective measure. If all of one’s eggs are transportation-related—if one purchases only automotive and aerospace and railroad stocks—the development of adverse economic conditions affecting transportation could wipe out the investment. Bonds are viewed as more stable than stocks, since they comprise a financial agreement between investors and bond issuers. Because they entail fewer risks, bonds generally yield smaller returns than stocks.

Advantages and Disadvantages of Diversification

The basic reasoning behind diversification is to make a financial portfolio less volatile. Diversification lowers the possibility of one bad investment affecting the stability of a financial portfolio. In order to take full advantage of diversifying a portfolio, one must invest in different types of assets that move in different directions and to different rhythms. The following are some key advantages of diversification, according to Klein and Saidenberg (1998):

  • Money is invested in various assets, not consolidated in one
  • Investors may benefit financially from many markets
  • Investors are not wholly financially affected by one poor investment
  • Return on diversified investments is higher, traditionally, than return on money kept in cash holdings
  • Diversification adds stability to and reduces volatility within a financial portfolio

While diversification tends to serve investors well, overdiversification is not advisable. Overdiversification means spreading investments over too many opportunities too thinly. Overdiversified investments lack opportunity to prosper. While essential in today’s economy, diversification of funds does have a limit, and most experts set it at 20 investments or assets at one time (Dangers of Over-Diversification, n.d.). An organization that invests in more than 20 entities may well find that its funds begin to plateau rather than increase, because the amount of money available for each investment does not carry its own weight within the investments (Dangers of Over-Diversification, n.d.).

Summary and Conclusions

Anything a sports organization possesses or controls is considered an asset. How its assets are managed determines the financial steadiness of an organization. Today, sports organizations’ assets typically extend far beyond bank accounts. For example, corporate funds are invested in stocks and bonds. In order to achieve financial success, professional sports organizations must acquire funding. When it is not forthcoming from a league, it may be obtained from other corporations, from private investors, or in the form of secured bank loans.

Diversification of assets may have become a buzzword, fun to discuss, but it should be remembered that diversification requires understanding and serious preparation, including trial and error that frequently comes with a price tag. To truly diversify one’s funds requires constant monitoring of one’s investments. Investments are never foolproof; unavoidable risk is the nature of investment. Businesses that seek to diversify their funds do so to reduce the volatility of their financial portfolio. Many sports organizations benefit from diversification, in light of the financial fluctuations which occur from month to month and, especially, season to season. In the course of a competitive season, a sports organization may be responsible to pay out millions of dollars. It is thus vital that the organization maintain a sound financial structure providing ready access to needed funds. If a sports organization is unable to fund its own team, the consequences reach beyond angry players; they can shake the foundation of the organization: fan support, community support, ticket sales, consumer sales, advertising sales, consumer confidence. Diversification acts against such a situation by sustaining investments in various investment fields, increasing the chances of having accessible money.

Ready availability of the professional sports organization’s money can mean success; the lack of it can mean failure. Professional sports businesses are always in need of cash—not just assets, but cash. But keeping assets in cash means the money is not earning much interest or otherwise making the organization money. Money will always earn more when it is placed in the hands of financial institutions that loan or invest it. Because professional sports organizations require a frequent turnover of funds, a smaller portion of their overall worth is available to be invested. Thus the recommended ratio of liquid funds to other funds is different for professional sports organizations than for many other corporations: 60:40. Professional sports organizations are unlike many other businesses in needing substantial amounts of cash to sustain day-to-day operations. Of course, from team to team, unique and varying needs and financial statuses mean that the 60:40 rule is actually a rule of thumb.

Diversification today is looked on as a prerequisite for securing financial permanence. The world has embraced the concept, and many options are offered for taking full advantage of diversification’s benefits. Professional sports corporations operate within a highly volatile system that nevertheless demands financial stability. Diversification of funds helps sports organizations develop a solid base able to withstand bumps in the road. The telephone, when it was newly available, seemed a luxury for the few; today it seems a necessity. The same can be said of funds diversification; once a strategy for investment adepts to consider, it has become a necessity for operating corporations. Knowledge of diversification is key, and the sports organization that does its homework is likely to benefit greatly from diversification, minimizing the strategy’s risks.

References

Advani, A. (2006, October 12). Raising money from informal investors: The devil’s in the details when taking money from—and structuring a deal with—friends, family and angel investors. Retrieved September 26, 2008, from http://www.entrepreneur.com/money/financing/startupfinancingcolumnistasheeshadvani/article168860.html

Arnold, R. (n.d.). Finding investors and hard money lenders. Retrieved September 26, 2008, from the Creative Real Estate Online.com website: http://www.creonline.com/money-ideas/mm-038.html

Brooks, C., & Kat, H. M. (2002). The statistical properties of hedge fund index returns and their implications for investors. The Journal of Alternative Investments, 26-44.

Chamberlain, G. (2003). Funds, factors, and diversification in arbitrage pricing models. Econometrica, 51, 1305-1323.

The Dangers of Over-Diversification. (n.d.). Retrieved September 26, 2008, from http://www.investopedia.com/articles/01/051601.asp

Diversified fund: What does it mean? (n.d.). Retrieved October 7, 2008, from the Investopedia website: http://www.investopedia.com/terms/d/diversifiedfund.asp

Kennon, J. (n.d.). The importance of liquidity and liquid assets: A lesson from September 11th. Retrieved September 26, 2008, from the About.com website: http://beginnersinvest.about.com/cs/banking/a/091102a.htm

Klein, P. G., & Saidenberg, M. R. (1998). Diversification, organization, and efficiency: Evidence from bank holding companies (Working Paper No. 97-27). Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania, Wharton School, Center for Financial Institutions.

Pritchard, J. (n.d.). Bank savings accounts: Best uses for bank savings accounts. Retrieved September 26, 2008, from the About.com website: http://banking.about.com/od/savings/a/savingsaccount.htm

2017-08-07T11:41:44-05:00October 7th, 2008|Contemporary Sports Issues, Sports Management|Comments Off on Advantages of Diversifying the Funds of Sports Organizations

Compliance by Hong Kong’s National Sport Organizations With the World Anti-Doping Program

Abstract

 

The present study aimed to assess current anti-doping efforts among Hong
Kong’s national sport organizations (NSOs), for example
organizations’ readiness to change and to initiate or strengthen
anti-doping measures. The points of view of administrators, coaches,
and committee members were considered. A great majority of NSOs in Hong Kong appeared to be at the
contemplation stage, concerning anti-doping actions. The major
constraints they faced were limited funds and manpower.


The World Anti-Doping Program, developed by the World Anti-Doping
Agency (WADA), is structured in three levels: a World Anti-Doping
Code, international standards, and models of and guidelines for best
practices. WADA officials state that one purpose of the World
Anti-Doping Program and code is “to ensure harmonized, coordinated,
and effective anti-doping programs at the international and national
level with regard to detection, deterrence, and prevention of doping”
(World Anti-Doping Agency, 2003). We would like to suggest that the
program actually can serve two purposes. On the macro level, it can
provide various international federations and national anti-doping
organizations (NADOs) with a framework for developing anti-doping
policies, rules, and regulations. On a micro level, it can guide
national sport organizations (NSOs) in carrying out anti-doping
functions like educational programming and in adopting appropriate
practices to demonstrate compliance with various anti-doping
regulations.
The World Anti-Doping Code has been in place for over 5 years, so the
roles of international federations and NADOs in promoting and
monitoring athletes’ anti-doping behaviors should be clear to sport
organizations and professionals involved in high-level competition
(e.g., World Games, Olympics). Those not involved at that level may
be less familiar with arrangements, for instance coaches and
administrators of NSOs that have not produced athletes qualifying for
high-level competitions. Even NSOs with experience in high-level
competition may have second- or third-tier athletes lacking the
exposure their elite counterparts have had. Given that NSOs play a
significant role in communicating anti-doping information to athletes
and explaining their role in anti-doping regulations, the evaluation
of NSOs’ current practices is important. The present study provided
such an evaluation, using a case-study approach to determine the
extent of Hong Kong NSOs’ compliance with the anti-doping program.
Specifically, we aimed to assess whether Hong Kong’s NSOs were
implementing anti-doping functions, as well as to identify
constraints on their full compliance. Although the study involved
only Hong Kong organizations, knowledge gained should be applicable
in countries with similar anti-doping experience, and the study
should thus prove useful to international federations, NADOs, and
WADA as they direct resources and efforts.
Since to an extent NSOs are organizations whose anti-doping
compliance or noncompliance can be treated as the adoption of one
management practice over another, their anti-doping compliance can be
modeled as organizational change. We therefore reviewed such models
and chose Prochaska’s transtheoretical model (TTM) (Prochaska,
2000) to analyze NSO anti-doping functions. The popular TTM was
originally developed to explain behavioral change in individuals
(Prochaska, Prochaska, & Levesque, 2001).
Central to the TTM are three theoretical constructs related to
change: (a) stages of change, (b) decisional balance, and (c) process
of change. Intentional change—whether by an individual or an
organization—can occur in stages and so can be seen as a series of
movements along a continuum. There are six such movements or stages:
pre-contemplation, contemplation, preparation, action,
maintenance
, and termination. The terminology process
of change,
in contrast, connotes the belief that change is
influenced by both overt and covert activities that comprise
experiential processes and behavioral processes.
Experiential processes characterize the early-stage transition and
include consciousness raising, dramatic relief, environmental
reevaluation, social liberation,
and self-reevaluation.
Behavioral processes characterize later-stage transition and include
stimulus control, helping relationship, counter conditioning,
reinforcement management,
and self-liberation.
In sum, the TTM provides an opportunity to understand the temporal
ordering of events as an established pattern is changed, which is
what we intended to do in terms of the NSOs’ implementation of
anti-doping functions. It also provides opportunity to explore
mechanisms mediating intentional change (e.g., constraints on
implementation of anti-doping functions). An additional rationale for
adopting the model was its prior successful application in an
analysis of family-service agencies (Prochaska, 2000), a study of the
implementation of a system of “time-limited therapy” that has
notable parallels to the implementation of anti-doping functions.

 

Method

 

Design of Questionnaire

The three versions of the self-report instrument used in the present
study were developed with input from three NSOs of different sizes,
whose staffs were invited to participate in face-to-face interviews
with a member of the research team experienced in anti-doping works.
During these interviews, the purpose and procedures of the study were
clarified for the NSOs, and items for inclusion in the questionnaire,
as well as in a structured interview, were identified. NSOs
participating in these preliminary interviews did not participate in
the study itself.

 

Collection of Survey Data

A letter of invitation to participate in the research project and
three copies of the final questionnaire were delivered to each NSO in
Hong Kong (except the three involved in instrument development).
Follow-up telephone calls were made to confirm the organizations’
interest in participating. NSOs that volunteered to participate were
scheduled for interviews with research team members. Completed
questionnaires were collected during or after an interview session.
The three versions of the study questionnaire included one for NSO
administrators, one for NSO coaches, and one for NSO committee
members. All versions included Part 1 and Part 2; the version for
administrators contained an additional three parts. Part 1 of the
questionnaire represented a modification of the Readiness to Change
Questionnaire (RTCQ) (Rollnick, Heather, Gold, & Hall, 1992). The
original RTCQ, designed to study drinking behavior, is a 12-item
questionnaire that assigns excessive drinkers to either the
precontemplation, contemplation, or action stages
(Heather, Gold, & Rollnick, 1991). For the present study, the
modified questionnaire assessed each NSO’s readiness to increase
its anti-doping efforts. Part 2 of the questionnaire was based on the
early interviews with the three NSOs not generating study data. From
these interviews, a list of pros and cons of increased anti-doping
efforts was developed. Part 2 asked respondents to rate the
importance of these pros and cons as influences on the NSO’s
decisions about increasing or not increasing anti-doping work.
Finally, Parts 3, 4, and 5 of the questionnaire were directed to NSO
administrators only and collected information about (a) spending on
anti-doping works, (b) opinions about anti-doping education programs,
and (c) an NSO’s demographic information.


Collection of Interview Data

Two members of the research team conducted structured face-to-face
interviews with representatives of NSOs who were either
administrators, committee members, or senior coaches. All were
familiar with their NSO’s anti-doping works. Standard questions
were posed initially, with a respondent’s answers guiding a series
of appropriate follow-up questions.

 

Results

A total of 62 invitations were sent to NSOs in Hong Kong to
participate in the research project, and 44 NSOs returned completed
questionnaires, a response rate of 71%. Interviews were completed
with 42 NSOs’ representatives, a response rate of 67.7%.

National
Sport Organization Demographics

The participating NSOs’ demographics provide a rough idea of the
scope of Hong Kong’s locally organized sport. Tables 1–4 present
the numbers of athletes, of coaches, and of competitions organized by
or participated in by our respondents. Most of the NSOs had fewer
than 5 full-time and 5 part-time employees. A majority (77.1%) had
fewer than 50 athletes active in international events that were
endorsed by an international federation. Over half of the surveyed
NSOs (60.6%) had 50–200 Level-1 coaches, while about half (57.6%
and 51.5%, respectively) had fewer than 31 Level-2 coaches and fewer
than 6 Level-3 coaches. About half of the NSOs organized fewer than
10 local competitions per year, and 65% organized 0–1 international
event annually. About 63% of the NSOs sent athletes to 1–5
international competitions each year.

 

Table
1

 

Numbers
of Employees at Hong Kong’s National Sport Organizations, With
Percentage of All Surveyed NSOs Having Similar Numbers

 

Full-time Part-time
Count % Count %
0 2 4.8 20 48.8 1–5 28 66.7 20 48.8 >5 12 28.6 1 2.4 Total 42 100 41 100

Table 2

 

Numbers
of Athletes Within Hong Kong’s National Sport Organizations, By
Competitive Event Type, With Percentage of All Surveyed NSOs Having
Similar Numbers

 

100

26

100

International Eventa Other Event
Count % Count %
0–10 7 20.0 1 3.8 11–50 20 57.1 5 19.2 51–100 4 11.4 9 34.6 101–200 3 8.6 2 7.7 > 200 1 2.9 9 34.6 Total 35

 

aFor
purposes of this study, an international event is a competition
endorsed by an appropriate international federation.
Table 3

 

Numbers
of Coaches Within Hong Kong’s National Sport Organizations (By
Level), With Percentage of All Surveyed NSOs Having Similar Numbers

 

 

Level 1 Level 2 Level 3
Count % Count % Count %
0–50 8 24.2 0–10 13 39.4 0 7 21.2
51–100 9 27.3 11–30 6 18.2 1–5 10 30.3
101–200 11 33.3 31–50 3 9.1 6–10 7 21.2
201–300 4 12.1 51–100 5 15.2 11–20 4 12.1
>300 1 3.03 >100 6 18.2 >20 5 15.2
Total 33 100 Total 33 100 Total 33 100

Table 4

 

Annual
Average Number of Competitions Organized By and Participated in By
NSOs, With Percentage of All Surveyed NSOs Having Similar Numbers

 

17

42.5

3–5

13

31.7

Average # of Local
Competitions Organized
Average # of
International Competitions Organized
Average # of
International Competitions
Participated In
Count % Count % Count %
0–5 14 34.1 0 9 22.5 1–2 13 31.7
6–10 10 24.4 1
11–20 8 19.5 2 6 15 6–10 6 14.6 21–30 1 2.4 3 1 2.5 11–20 6 14.6 >30 8 19.5 >3 7 17.5 >20 3 7.3 Total 41 100 Total 40 100 Total 41 100

 

Resources
Used for Anti-Doping Efforts

Our data suggest that Hong Kong’s national sport organizations have
not invested much, either in terms of finances or manpower, in
anti-doping efforts (Table 5). A majority of our respondents—close
to 88%—had expended no funds for anti-doping efforts within the 3
years preceding the study and anticipated no such spending throughout
the current year. Moreover, 80%–90% of the NSOs had neither any
staff members nor honorary consultants assigned to anti-doping work.
Table 5

 

Average
Annual Spending on Anti-Doping Efforts by Hong Kong NSOs, Over 4-Year
Period, in United States Dollars, With Percentage of All Surveyed
NSOs Spending Similar Amounts

 

 

Average Annual
Spending in 3 Years Preceding Study
Anticipated Spending
During Current Year
0 USD 36 (87.8%) 37 (88.1%)
1–1,000 USD 3 (7.3%) 2 (4.8%)
1,001–2,000 USD 1 (2.4%) 2 (4.8%)
> 2,000 USD 1 (2.4%) 1 (2.4%)

Tables 6

 

NSOs’
Staffing for Anti-Doping Efforts, By Paid Status and Position, With
Percentage of All Surveyed NSOs Providing Similar Numbers of Staff

Paid Staff

 

 

Count %
0 35 85.4
1 5 12.2
2 1 2.4

 

Honorary
Consultant from Medical Profession

 

Count %
0 32 80
1 3 7.5 2 2 5 >2 3 7.5

 

Honorary
Consultant from Legal Profession

 

 

Count %
0 36 90
1 2 5
2 2 5

 

Honorary
Consultant from Technical Field (e.g., Doping Control Officer)

 

 

Count %
0 33 82.5
1 2 5
2 3 7.5
>2 2 5

 

Honorary
Consultant (Unspecified)

 

 

Count %
0 38 95
4 1 2.5
6 1 2.5

 

Opinions
About Anti-Doping Education Programs

The NSO respondents were asked their opinions or perceptions
concerning appropriate content for inclusion in anti-doping
educational programs or informational materials (Table 7). The three
most important content areas, according to our respondents, were
“ways to avoid inadvertent doping,” “rights and
responsibilities of athletes in doping control,” and “anti-doping
rules and regulations.”
Table 7

 

NSO
Respondents’ Rank Ordering of Importance of Content Areas in
Anti-Doping Educational Programs, From Most to Least Important

 

Content Score
Mean SD
Ways to avoid inadvertent doping .97 1.09

Rights and responsibilities of athletes in doping control

.95 1.17 Anti-doping rules and regulations .77 1.02 Responsibilities of NSO in doping control .56 .93 Competitive sports and ethics .47 .69 Therapeutic use exemption for prohibited drugs .45 .92 Drug testing procedures .40 .80 Current international anti-doping practices .39 .84 Whereabouts information of athletes .35 .87 Current Hong Kong anti-doping practices .34 .72

As shown in Table 8, the surveyed respondents indicated that the most
suitable medium to deliver anti-doping educational programs was a web
page. Workshops, pamphlets, and video presentations were also
considered suitable modes of delivery.
Table 8

 

NSO
Respondents’ Rank Ordering of Suitability of Anti-Doping
Educational Program Delivery, From Most to Least Suitable

 

Mean SD

 

 

Web page

2.77

2.02

Workshop

2.58

2.12

Pamphlet

2.15

1.79

VCD

2.13

1.73

Other

.35

1.03

 

Surveyed
NSO associates suggested other suitable media for providing
anti-doping education (Table 9), as well.
Table 9
Other Modes of Anti-Doping Education Suggested by Respondents

 

 

Mode Number of
Respondents Making This Suggestion
TV
Commercial/Program
3
Seminar 1
Newspaper Article 1
Commercial Media 1
Exhibition 1

 

Respondents
were asked what they thought would be a suitable time to conduct an
anti-doping workshop; opinions varied from NSO to NSO. As shown in
Table 10, while 45% preferred weekday evenings, other times also had
support (i.e., weekday “office hours,” 30%; weekends, 25%).
Table 10
Anti-Doping Workshop Times Preferred By Respondents

 

 

Frequency %
Monday–Friday
“Office Hours”
12 30
Monday–Friday
Evenings
18 45
Saturday–Sunday 10 25
Total 40 100

 

 

 
Asked if they would recommend that their NSO staff attend a 6–8-hr
anti-doping workshop costing $300 HKD (about $40 U. S.) per
participant, 68.3% of our respondents said yes (Table 11).
Table 11
Number/Percentage of Respondents Who Would/Would Not Recommend NSO
Staff Attendance at 6–8-Hr, 300 HKD Anti-Doping Workshop

 

 

Frequency %
Yes 28 68.3
No 13 31.7
Total 41 100

 

Readiness
for change

Data from the modified RTCQ completed by NSO administrators, coaches,
and committee members are presented in Table 12. A majority of
respondents of all three types were in the contemplation stage (54.5%
of administrators, 51.1% of coaches, and 47.7% of committee members).
Being in the contemplation stage meant actively considering whether
to initiate or strengthen an NSO’s anti-doping effort.
Table 12

 

Indicated
Readiness to Initiate or Strengthen NSO’s Anti-Doping Efforts, In
Terms of RTCQ “Stage,” With Percentage of All Respondents at Same
“Stage”

 

 

Precontemplation Contemplation Action
Administrators 8 (18.2%) 24 (54.5%) 14 (27.3%)
Coaches 8 (17.8%) 23 (51.1%) 14 (31.1%)
Committee Members 10 (22.7%) 21 (47.7%) 13 (29.5%)

Factors in
Decision Making About Anti-Doping Efforts

Administrators, coaches, and committee members were asked to rate the
importance of a list of pros and cons of initiating or strengthening
anti-doping efforts within their NSO (Tables 13 and 14).

 

Table
13

 

NSO
Respondents’ Rank Ordering of Importance of “Pro” Factors in
Anti-Doping Decisions, From Most to Least Important

 

 

Pros Score
Average SD

 

Administrators

 

It will directly or
indirectly improve professional knowledge of the NSO staff.
5.1 1.17

 

It will help us to
avoid being penalized by an international federation.

3.85

1.61

 

 

It will affect the
professional image of the NSO.

3.69

1.49

It will help to
preserve the health of our athletes.

3.17

1.38

There is a need to
comply with the rules and regulations set forth by the
international sporting community.

2.06

1.17

It will help to
maintain fair play.

2.06

1.21

 

 

Coaches

 

It will directly or
indirectly improve professional knowledge of the NSO staff.
4.11 1.41
It will help us to
avoid being penalized by an international federation.
3.93 1.67
It will affect the
professional image of the NSO.
3.7 1.66
There is a need to
comply with the rules and regulations set forth by the
international sporting community.
2.93 1.6
It will help to
preserve the health of our athletes.
2.7 1.6
It will help to
maintain fair play.
2.41 1.54

Committee
members

It will directly or
indirectly improve professional knowledge of the NSO staff.
4.85 1.24
It will help us to
avoid being penalized by an international federation.
4.1 1.62

 

It will affect the
professional image of the NSO.

3.94

 

1.6

It will help to
preserve the health of our athletes.

2.73

1.58

There is a need to
comply with the rules and regulations set forth by the
international sporting community

2.45

1.11

It will help to
maintain fair play.

2.24

1.28

 

 

 

 

Table
14

 

NSO
Respondents’ Rank Ordering of Importance of “Con” Factors in
Anti-Doping Decisions, From Most to Least Important

 

 

Cons Score
Average SD

 

Administrators

 

It will create
unnecessary hassle for our athletes.
4.98 1.23

It will pose additional
financial pressure on our NSO.

3.81

1.46

Anti-doping work is not
essential to the development of our NSO.

3.36

1.55

 

 

Athletes in our sport
do not use prohibited substances to enhance performance.

3.12

1.66

There is a lack of
professional knowledge to implement such works.

3.07

1.51

 

 

There is a lack of
manpower to implement such works.

2.44

1.38

 

 

 

 

Coaches

 

 

It will create
unnecessary hassle for our athletes.
4.56 1.28
Anti-doping work is not
essential to the development of our NSO.
3.78 1.41
It will pose additional
financial pressure on our NSO.
3.6 1.55
Athletes in our sport
do not use prohibited substances to enhance performance.
3.58 1.76
There is a lack of
professional knowledge to implement such works.
3.06 1.63
There is a lack of
manpower to implement such works.
2.76 1.21

 

Committee
Members

 

It will create
unnecessary hassle for our athletes.
4.92 1.41

Anti-doping work is not
essential to the development of our NSO.

3.92

1.68

 

It will pose additional
financial pressure on our NSO.

3.85

Athletes in our sport
do not use prohibited substances to enhance performance.

3.27

1.71

There is a lack of
professional knowledge to implement such works.
3.52

1.69

 

There is a lack of
manpower to implement such works.

2.85

1.66

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

For
the list of “pros” associated with initiating or strengthening an
anti-doping effort, administrators, coaches, and committee members
alike said the three most important considerations were, in
descending order of importance, “It will directly or indirectly
improve professional knowledge of the NSO staff,” “It will help
us to avoid being penalized by an international federation,” and
“It will affect the professional image of the NSO.” Similarly,
for the list of “cons,” they agreed that the most important
consideration was “It will create unnecessary hassle for our
athletes,” and that the second and third most important factors
were “Anti-doping work is not essential to the development of our
NSO” and “It will pose additional financial pressure on our NSO,”
respectively. However, administrators said financial pressure was a
more important consideration than coaches and committee members said
it was, while the latter groups felt more influenced than
administrators did by anti-doping’s perceived nonessential role in
the development of an NSO.

NSOs’
Present and Upcoming Anti-Doping Efforts

The interviews we conducted with representatives of Hong Kong’s
NSOs allowed for collection of information about their current and

upcoming anti-doping activities, including work in education,
capacity building, drug testing, cooperation with international
federations and anti-doping organizations, and policy. Results
obtained are presented in Table 15.

 

Table
15

 

NSOs’
Present and Upcoming Anti-Doping Work, By Activity, With Percentage
of All Surveyed NSOs Pursuing Same

 

Activity Statusa Count %

 

Education

 

To remind athletes
and athlete support personnel that they are bound by the
anti-doping rules
1 7 16.3
2 1 2.3
4 35 81.4

Total

43

100

To distribute
information on doping control from third parties to your athletes
and athlete support personnel

1

14

32.6

2

1

2.3

4

28

65.1

 

 

Total

43

100

 

 

To distribute
information about education programs on doping control to
athletes/coaches/sport administrators

1

18

41.9

4

25

58.1

Total

43

100

 

 

To include
information on doping control in newsletter, web page, or
correspondence with NSO members

 

 

1

30

69.8

2

5

11.6

 

 

4

8

18.6

Total

43

100

 

 

To seek assistance from
relevant parties to organize education or information sessions for
your athletes and athlete support personnel, on matters related to
doping control

1

28

65.1

2

8

18.6

 

 

 

 

3

2

4.7

4

5

11.6

 

 

Total

43

100

To organize educational
talk or seminar for your athletes/coaches/sport administrators on
anti-doping

1

35

81.4

2

5

11.6

4

3

7

 
Total

43

100

 

 

Capacity Building

 

To upgrade the existing
staff on doping issues, through information/education program
1 32 74.4
2 5 11.6
4 6 14

Total

43

100

To train a doping
control officer for your NSO

1

38

88.4

2

3

7

4

2

4.7

 

 

Total

43

100

 

 

 
Drug Testing (and Related Functions)

 

To conduct drug tests
for locally held international event
1 23 53.5
2 4 9.3
4 16 37.2

Total

43

100

To conduct drug
tests for local competition

1

39

90.7

2

1

2.3

4

3

7

 

 

Total

43

100

 

 

 

To conduct
out-of-competition drug tests on your athletes

1

41

95.3

2

1

2.3

4

1

2.3

 

 

Total

43

100

To keep record of all
drug tests conducted on your athletes (for international
competition and out-of-competition)

1

26

60.5

2

3

7

3

1

2.3

 

 

4

13

30.2

Total

43

100

 

 

To regularly update
your international federation(s) and anti-doping organizations on
the drug test record and results of your athletes

1

36

83.7

 

2

1

2.3

 

 

4

6

14

 

Total

43

100

 

 

To collect or
coordinate the whereabouts information of your athletes

1

24
55.8

4

19

44.2

 

 

Total

43

100

 

 

 

 

To regularly update
your international federation(s) and anti-doping organizations on
the whereabouts information of your athletes

1

30

69.8

4

13

30.2

Total

43

100

 

 

To assist athletes in
the application of the therapeutic use exemption (TUE)

1

34

79.1

2

1

2.3

 

 

4

8

18.6

Total

43

100

 

 

To keep records of TUE
for your athletes

1

35

81.4

2

1

2.3

 

 

4

7

16.3

Total

43

100

 

 

To regularly update
your international federation(s) and anti-doping organizations on
the TUE status of your athletes

1

39

90.7

2

1

2.3

 

 

4

3

7

Total

43

100

 
Cooperation
with International Federations and Anti-Doping Organizations

 

To assist international
federation(s) and anti-doping organizations in conducting drug
tests
1 35 81.4
4 8 18.6
Total 43 100

 

 

Policy

 

To discuss doping
issues in meetings of your NSO
1 25 58.1
2 1 2.3
4 17 39.5

Total

43

100

To include a clause
forbidding use of prohibited substances by athletes in the
constitution of your NSO

1

26

60.5

2

5

11.6

4

12

27.9

 

 

Total

43

100

To prepare a procedural
guideline to handle anti-doping duties (If such a guideline
exists, please provide details on the target group and contents.)

1

33

76.7

2

7

16.3

4

3

7

 

 

 

 

Total

43

100

 

 

aA
numeral 1 in this column indicates an NSO does not intend to pursue
the activity in the foreseeable future; a 2 indicates that an NSO is
seriously considering action within 6 months (i.e., in the
foreseeable future); a 3 indicates that an NSO has developed a plan
to act; and a 4 indicates that the NSO has a system in place and
pursues the activity.
In terms of education, most NSOs (81.4%) had reminded their athletes
and athlete support personnel that they are bound by anti-doping
rules. Answers to our follow-up questions suggested that most of the
reminders were sent prior to major competitions. The majority of Hong
Kong NSOs would distribute to relevant persons information on doping
control obtained from third parties (65.1%) and related educational
programs (58.1%). However, only 18.6% of the NSOs had included
anti-doping information in a newsletter, a web page, or
correspondence with its members. To organize educational programs,
with or without assistance from third parties, was uncommon among the
local NSOs. Programs to enhance an NSO staff’s anti-doping
knowledge were also relatively undeveloped. Only 14% of NSOs had
organized educational programs to upgrade such knowledge, and only
4.7% had a trained doping control officer of their own.

On issues of drug testing and related functions, 37.2% of the NSOs
reported they had experience conducting drug tests at locally held
international events. However, only 7% had conducted drug tests for
local competitions and 2.3% had conducted out-of-competition tests on
athletes. It seems that in Hong Kong only athletes competing at the
international level are monitored via drug testing. Athletes in local
competitions have minimal exposure to drug testing.

In terms of record keeping, about 30.2% of NSOs had records of drug
tests conducted on their athletes, but only 14% reported this
information to an international federation (most federations made no
requests for the information). About half of the NSOs (44.2%) had
experience collecting or coordinating whereabouts information for
athletes. Only 30.2 %, however, updated an international federation
regularly about such information (follow-up questions suggested that
international federations did not request regular updates, especially
from NSOs without athletes competing internationally). Only 18.6% of
NSOs had experience applying the therapeutic use exemption with their
athletes; 16.3% kept records on TUE and 7% regularly updated an
international federation concerning athletes’ TUE status.

Only 8% of NSOs had assisted an international federation or
anti-doping agency in conducting drug testing. Responses to follow-up
questions suggested that both in-competition testing and
out-of-competition testing were involved. In terms of policy, 39.5%
of NSOs had discussed doping issues in their meetings. About one
third (27.9%) had included a clause prohibiting the use of specified
substances by athletes affiliated with them. Response to follow-up
questions indicated that most NSOs addressed the issue only
indirectly, asking individuals to refer to rules and regulations set
forth by international federations. Among the respondents, only 7%
had a procedural guideline for handling anti-doping duties.

 

Discussion and Recommendations

The main purpose of the survey was to evaluate the anti-doping
functions of Hong Kong’s NSOs. Data from a questionnaire and
interview suggest that the majority of NSOs in Hong Kong were at the
contemplation stage in terms of the implementation of anti-doping
functions. According to Prochaska’s transtheoretical model,
individuals at the contemplation stage have started to acknowledge a
target behavior, but they may not be ready to make any change
(Prochaska, 2000). Moreover, if pressured about the behavior,
individuals in the contemplation stage can be very resistant to
change. In the case of Hong Kong’s NSOs in the contemplation stage,
educational workshops and realistic support with resources are
essential to moving them to the next stage, which is the action
stage.
Studies of TTM suggest that “stage-matched interventions”
outperform “action-oriented interventions” (Prochaska et al.,
2001); the former can increase the likelihood of progress to the next
stage, action. For organizational change, TTM dictates that
interventions should be individualized and matched to employees’
readiness to change. This would be a necessary consideration during
development of anti-doping workshops’ content.
According to Prochaska et al. (2001), dramatic relief,
self-reevaluation, and thinking about commitment are processes of
changes that should be emphasized with those in the pre-contemplation
and contemplation stages. The Hong Kong NSOs can, then, be moved to
change their anti-doping functions through the use of emotional
arousal components, for example discussion of fears of sanctioning by
an international federation if noncompliance persists, or discussion
of advantages of successfully implementing the anti-doping code. A
reevaluation of the NSO’s strengths and weaknesses pertaining to
implementation can be helpful. NSOs should also be encouraged to
discuss the possibility of implementing anti-doping programs and to
make a commitment to further anti-doping efforts.
The present study found that resources are the major constraint on
implementation of anti-doping functions by the Hong Kong NSOs. To
provide the needed additional funds and manpower most
cost-effectively, a centralized body could be established to
coordinate anti-doping functions, rather than providing funds to
underwrite various NSOs’ individual efforts.
The present study is the first to study the status of anti-doping
efforts among Hong Kong’s national sport organizations. Apart from
investigating what anti-doping functions the NSOs are currently
fulfilling, we also measured their—the administrators’, coaches’,
and committee members’—readiness to change by starting or
strengthening anti-doping efforts. It appears that a majority of NSOs
in Hong Kong are in the contemplation stage of implementing
anti-doping functions and facing the constraints of limited funding
and manpower. These data provide a starting point for the design of
assistance to the NSOs as they initiate or strengthen anti-doping
efforts to comply with the World Anti-Doping Code. Results are likely
relevant, as well, in countries with similar anti-doping experience.
They should thus be of use to international federations, national
anti-doping organizations, and the World Anti-Doping Agency, in terms
of directing effort and resources.
References

Heather, N., Gold, R., & Rollnick, S. (1991). Readiness to
Change Questionnaire: User’s manual.
(Tech. Rep. No. 15).
Kensington, New South Wales: University of New South Wales, National
Drug and Alcohol Research Centre.

Prochaska, J. M. (2000). A transtheoretical model for assessing
organizational change: A study of family service agencies’ movement
to time-limited therapy. Family in Society, 81, 76–84.

Prochaska, J. M., Prochaska, J. O., & Levesque, D. A. (2001). A
transtheoretical approach to changing organizations. Administration
and Policy in Mental Health
, 28(4), 247–261.

Rollnick, J. O., Heather, N., Gold, R., & Hall, W. (1992).
Development of a short “readiness to change” questionnaire for
use in brief, opportunistic intervention among excessive drinkers.
British Journal of Addiction, 87, 743–754.

World Anti-Doping Agency. (2003). World Anti-Doping Code.
Retrieved August 28, 2006, from http://www.wada-ama.org/en/

Author Note
Lena Fung, Hong Kong Baptist University; Yvonne Yuan, Hong Kong
Sports Institute Limited.
This research was supported by a social science research grant from
the World Anti-Doping Agency.

2016-04-01T09:54:28-05:00July 8th, 2008|Contemporary Sports Issues, Sports Management, Sports Studies and Sports Psychology|Comments Off on Compliance by Hong Kong’s National Sport Organizations With the World Anti-Doping Program

Cheerleading in the Context of Title IX and Gendering in Sport

Abstract

Existing scholarship on competitive cheerleading’s struggle for sanctioning and recognition under Title IX supports a conclusion that, while cheerleading perpetuates certain stereotypes, it is nevertheless a sport American women created for themselves, and it offers many of the same benefits of participation as other sports do. Research on (a) acceptance of and obstacles to high school and collegiate cheerleading today, (b) regulatory controls, (c) and media interest and hegemonic implications is reviewed. Myths and issues surrounding the safety and health of competitive cheerleaders are examined, including sexual abuse and sport injury.

Cheerleading in the Context of Title IX and Gendering in Sport

As sanctioning and recognition of competitive cheerleading today grows under the protection and regulation of Title IX, one might wonder if the society is regressing. In the 1960s we threw off Betty Crocker and Father Knows Best for the feminist movement and bra burning. Does the new sport of cheerleading represent backpedaling—with the added twist of actual (if limited) tax-dollar support of the phenomenon? How and why did cheerleading become competitive? Who are these new teams and why aren’t their members playing basketball, soccer, softball? Much of this paper is a review of existing research on (a) acceptance of and obstacles to high school and collegiate cheerleading today, (b) cheerleading regulatory controls, (c) and media interest in and hegemonic implications of cheerleading.

Competitive cheerleading hit the scene in the late 1970s, when the television network CBS first televised the Collegiate Cheerleading Championships, in 1978 (Mercer, 2006). Throughout the 1980s, tosses, stunts, and routines evolved increasing originality and difficulty. Safety guidelines were introduced by groups like the National Cheer Conference (Mercer, 2006). New cheerleading organizations formed, eager to develop rules and guidelines for the sport: the Universal Cheerleaders Association, American Association of Cheerleading Coaches and Advisors, National Council for Spirit Safety and Education, NFHS Spirit Association, Recreation Cheer Coaches Association, U. S. All Star Federation. Decades later, however, only 26 states appear to have given high school cheerleading Title IX status, despite its fierce competitiveness, its organization and rules standardization, its popularity and entertainment value, and the multimillion-dollar-value of the cheerleading industry. It seems safe to assume that cheerleading is ingrained in the American psyche as a female pursuit, an activity thus inferior to, for example, football and basketball as far as many social institutions are concerned. Perhaps in supporting cheerleading—insisting that spirit competitive squads, as they may be known, deserve to be treated like other athletic teams, including in their receipt of federal funding—individuals and groups are furthering, after all, the post–Betty Crocker agenda.

Like most sports, cheerleading was born in the male domain (although today 90% of cheerleaders are female). Purportedly, in 1898 one Johnny Campbell stood up before fans at a University of Minnesota football game to organize their enthusiasm. From that germ came today’s competitive sport, although it took until the 1920s for women to participate. In the 1940s, with men at war, women moved into cheerleading in numbers, equaling or exceeding their predecessors’ achievements. After World War II ended, cheerleading remained dominated by women, and so it continued to the millennium (Mercer, 2006).

It is widely known that many American public figures have been cheerleaders, for example presidents Franklin Roosevelt, Dwight D. Eisenhower, Ronald Reagan, and George W. Bush. Other former cheerleaders in U.S. government include Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg and Mississippi Senator Trent Lott, while celebrity cheerleaders include Ann Margret, Paula Abdul, Halle Berry, Sandra Bullock, Katie Couric, Jamie Lee Curtis, Michael Douglas, Sally Field, Samuel L. Jackson, Madonna, Steve Martin, Reba McEntire, Cybill Shepherd, Jimmy Stewart, Meryl Streep, and Raquel Welch (Ninemire, 2008).

Today’s 3.5 million cheerleading participants over age six (Lin, Huang, & Esposito, 2007) thus have many role models. No doubt, they have contributed to the public acceptance of the sport that has spread to official acceptance and media popularity. The struggle for cheerleading’s recognition as a competitive team sport has slowly brought the activity to most high schools and universities in the country. Enactment of Title IX legislation has helped.

Title IX and Female Athletes

Title IX called for gender equity in school athletics, and part of its challenge was to increase girls’ interest in playing and competing in sports. Since its enactment, sports participation among females has soared, although still trailing the rate of participation by males. The U.S. Department of Education Office of Civil Rights requires schools to pass one of three tests of gender equity in athletic participation. Each school must demonstrate that (a) numbers of male and female athletes are substantially proportional to total numbers of males and females enrolled, or (b) that the school has a history and continuing practice of program expansion for an underrepresented sex, or (c) that the interests and abilities of an underrepresented sex have been fully and effectively accommodated (National Coalition for Women and Girls in Education, 2008). Few institutions can offer evidence of compliance under the first two options; many instead opt to comply by “fully and effectively” accommodating female students’ interests. Since the early 1990s, two thirds of institutions have asserted their compliance this way, but the question, of course, is how to measure those interests (Rhode, 2007).

In 2005, Title IX was amended to allow institutions to use e-mail surveys to measure students’ interest in sports. If survey results indicate “sufficient” student interest, the school’s compliance is allowed to be presumed (unless a relevant “significant” occurrence has taken place). The Department of Education website offers a model survey, which certainly could be found underwhelming by a student pressed for time or hesitant about participating in athletics. Enforcement of survey completion would, furthermore, seem next to impossible—and what qualifications will be required of those who write and update such surveys and analyze the data? Another problem lies in the definition of terms: What exactly do “sufficient” and “significant” mean in this context? The loophole, of course, has critics:

Without any notice or opportunity for comment, the Department of Education issues an “Additional Clarification of Intercollegiate Athletics Policy Guidance: Three-Part Test—Part Three,” allowing colleges to use a single e-mail survey to show that they are meeting women’s interests in playing sports. (National Coalition for Women and Girls in Education, 2008, p. 6)

The Women’s Sports Foundation condemns the survey as a Title IX loophole, and the National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA) has asked schools not to use it (Brady, 2007).

Even Title IX’s best intentions can do nothing about recent decreases in the funding of athletics. The general slowdown is part of the reason for disproportionate female participation in sports. At the college level, only a small number of institutions need not worry about their budgets, and where there are competing demands for funds, athletic departments can experience shortfalls. Women’s sports has to compete as men’s sports does for available dollars, and all programs are subject to constraints. Suggs (cited in Rhode, 2007) explains that,

in the relatively well-off Division I institutions, expenditures have been rising faster than higher education budgets. Those budgets have, in turn, been rising faster than inflation. It is by no means self-evident that preserving intercollegiate competition in all male sports should be a priority for all schools or for society generally. Nor is it clear that the increasingly commercialized and competitive model of male sports is the one most women want to replicate. Title IX controversies raise broader questions about the role of sports in higher education that deserve closer public scrutiny.

Perhaps dissatisfaction with the traditional (male) model of athletics does contribute to females’ lesser participation. But that model is still key to such funding as is available. A sport like cheerleading, in order to gain federal funds, must meet the same criteria traditional sports must meet for that sanction. Like other athletes, cheerleaders can expect to have to comply with rules governing seasonality, numbers on squad or team, minimum athletic competence, approved use of equipment, and other matters.

Since the passage of Title IX, the added status women’s sports has gained by complying with the male model has, ironically, diminished women’s role in coaching and athletics-directing, especially at the college level. As Rhode explains (2007),

As opportunities for female students have increased, opportunities for female professionals have declined. The rise in status and financial resources in women’s sports has attracted male competitors for coaching positions. As a result, only 42% of women’s teams have a female head coach, compared to over 90% in 1972. . . . In the pre–Title IX era, women held almost all administrative positions in women’s athletics programs.20 Today, almost all of those programs are merged with men’s, and less than a fifth of athletic directors are women.21 (p. 14)

How must young female athletes view their own importance as they see fewer and fewer women trusted with authority in the world of sports? Advancement of female athletes has clearly had its ups and downs, which have affected the development of cheerleading, as well.

Title IX and Cheerleading

According to the Women’s Sports Foundation (2000) a sport is (a) a “physical activity which involves propelling a mass through space or overcoming the resistance of a mass,” (b) “a contest or competition against or with an opponent,” (c) “governed by rules which explicitly define the time, space and purpose of the contest and the conditions under which a winner is declared,” and (d) intended primarily to “compare[e] . . . the relative skills of the participants” (¶3). Does cheerleading comply with theses requirements? The foundation’s opinion on whether cheerleading and some other activities are indeed sports covered by Title IX and education department Office of Civil Rights (OCR) protections is a guarded one. Sufficient quality opportunities for competition is a Title IX concern, the foundation notes; the OCR assesses “the number of competitive events offered per sport, the number and length of practices and the number of pre-season and post-season competitive opportunities” (¶6). Thus if a cheerleading squad or drill team has as its overarching mission not presentations at male teams’ competitions, but rather

compet[ition] against other drill teams or cheerleaders on a regular season and post season qualification basis in much the same structure as basketball or gymnastics and if the team conducted regular practices in preparation for such competition while under the supervision of a coach, [then] these activities could be considered sports. On occasion, these groups could also put on exhibitions at boys’ or men’s sports events, but these exhibitions could not be their primary purpose. (¶7)

Still, the foundation warns that attempting to relabel girls’ existing, funded programs as sports programs when they are not is “unethical,” and that “danceline, drill team, cheerleading, baton twirling or the marching band are [in many cases] clearly not fulfilling the definitional requirements of sport” (¶8).

The National Federation of State High School Associations (NFHS) appears interested in distinguishing sports competitors from cheerleaders involved only in extracurricular activities. A 2006–07 NFHS survey on participation counted participants on “competitive spirit squads”: cheerleading, pom, kick, dance, and drill teams. In terms of number of participants, such squads rank among the top 10 sports in high schools nationwide (National Federation of State High School Associations, 2007, p. 47). The squads comprise competitive athletes who over the past several years have qualified and been recognized as athletic teams by OCR under Title IX.

Collegiate cheerleaders operate within their institutions’ athletic departments, but are not always deemed to represent a sport. When a squad’s central purpose is to support and promote athletes in other sports, then it does not qualify as a sports team. To qualify, a squad must meet five OCR criteria for varsity sports, as follows:

  1. Selection of squad members must be based largely on factors related to athletic ability.
  2. The squad’s activity must have as a primary purpose the preparation for and participation in athletic competition against other, similar teams.
  3. The squad must prepare for and participate in competition in the same way other teams in the athletic program do, for example by conducting tryouts, being coached, practicing regularly, and being scheduled regularly for competitions.
  4. National-, state-, and conference-level championship competitions must exist for the squad’s activity.
  5. The squad’s activity must be administered by an athletics department.

While the specification of what makes a sport a sport has no doubt been beneficial to cheerleading, cheerleaders are like other female athletes nationwide in facing challenges to the advancement of their sports. Typifying these challenges is the case of McCormic and Geldwert v. School District of Mamaroneck and School District of Pelham (2004). Hoping to be observed by college recruiters, two female athletes wanted to compete in high school soccer during the fall. They attended schools where, by tradition, boys used the athletic facilities for their fall and winter sports, relegating girls’ soccer season to spring. Spring soccer not only potentially deprived them of collegiate opportunities, it interfered with their participation in state and regional championships, the girls claimed. In affirming the trial court’s finding for the girls in this case, the U.S. District Court of Appeals said,

Title IX was enacted in order to remedy discrimination that results from stereotyped notions of women’s interest and abilities, and to allow a numbers-based lack of interest defense to become the instrument of further discrimination against the underrepresented gender would pervert the remedial purpose of Title IX. (McCormic and Geldwert v. School District)

Unlike the two New York school districts of McCormic, the school district for Lacey, Washington, where there are three public high schools, made a willing effort to increase girls’ participation in sports (which had significantly trailed boys’). The district surveyed girls about the sports they would enjoy that were not already available to them. As a group they chose gymnastics over lacrosse, water polo, and power lifting (Wochnick, 2007). It may seem a small step, but the survey is nevertheless an encouraging sign that the fundamentals of Title IX are being implemented and organizations are acting on the Title IX tenet that girls’ purported lesser interest in sports does not justify boys’ greater access to sport.

Title IX also mandates that athletics funding for girls must be on a scale with that for boys. When Florida’s high school athletic association recognized cheerleading as a sport in 2007, cheerleaders looked forward to smaller personal expenditures for coaching, facilities, insurance, transportation, and uniforms. Cheerleading teams in states whose high school athletic associations do not sanction cheerleading cover their own costs, often running to hundreds of dollars monthly. During the 2006–07 school year only 26 states were represented in cheerleading competitions; yet how many states actually recognize cheerleading as a sport is hard to determine, because qualifying is difficult and registration and entry fees are high (Peters, 2003). Despite the sport of cheerleading’s recent recognition in Florida, squads have encountered roadblocks to financial support, in the form of school district decisions to delay an inaugural season until the 2008–09 school year. Public budgets are tight and, despite Florida high school cheerleaders’ new status, few school districts’ allocations covered spirit squads. Even when allocations do come, competitive cheerleaders will pay for extras (e.g., choreographers, camps) out of pocket and with the old standby, the fundraiser. Non-school-based all star teams are on their own, of course, financially.

A byproduct of nearly 30 years without sport status is competitive cheerleading’s reliance on private enterprise and independent, often certified professionals to supply training, coaching, and mentoring. All star gyms or clubs exist that have been tailored to the demands of cheerleader preparation, featuring for example spring-mat floors that meet competitive “specs.” Not surprisingly, most public high schools lack such ideal facilities. Their floor mats tend to be of foam. Nor are public school teachers reliably equipped with the background and certification ideal for leadership in so-called “adapted” sports. Further, as within the coaching profession generally after Title IX, ever fewer of the coaches overseeing high school competitive cheerleaders may be female. This does not bode well for a 90%-female competitive spirit sports constituency.

Health and Well-Being of Cheerleading Athletes

Cheerleading presentations are judged on originality of choreography, athleticism of athletes, showmanship—and degree of risk, as well. Cheerleading injuries have led to their fair share of law suits. [In at least one recent case, however, an injured plaintiff lost her bid for compensation from an allegedly negligent school (Krathen v. School Board of Monroe County, Florida). The Florida cheerleader and her parent had signed a certification of consent and release from liability, and an appellate court confirmed the trial court’s decision that the signed certification released the school board from liability (Herbert, 2008).] Injuries aside, the many benefits of sports participation to girls have been noted by Title IX supporters (and others). Research shows girls who play sports to be relatively more likely to graduate, to have greater confidence and better self-esteem and body image, to avoid teenage pregnancy, and to avoid drug use. Athletics is, furthermore, the kind of physical activity that builds muscle, reduces fat, reduces risk of heart disease, and prevents osteoporosis. A teen who exercises for only two hours weekly still reduces her lifetime risk of breast cancer. Of course, competitive cheerleaders can become injured, and there are as well two further health issues commonly associated with the sport: eating disorders and sexual harassment.

Sport-Related Injuries

Quantifying the risk of injury to cheerleaders is a challenge, given the lack of a national database tracking such incidents (Lin, Huang, & Esposito, 2007). What does exist are frequent alarming reports decrying near-epidemic levels of injury in the sport. The National Center for Catastrophic Sports Injury Research, for instance, reported that out of all athletes, cheerleaders are most likely to suffer catastrophic injury. According to Pennington (2007),

Emergency room visits for cheerleading injuries nationwide have more than doubled since the early 1990s, far outpacing the growth in the number of cheerleaders, and the rate of life-threatening injuries has startled researchers. Of 104 catastrophic injuries sustained by female high school and college athletes from 1982 to 2005—head and spinal trauma that occasionally led to death—more than half resulted from cheerleading. . . . All sports combined did not surpass cheerleading.

But such reports may well need to be questioned. The executive director of the Association of Cheerleading Coaches and Advisors, Jim Lord (2007), has argued with the publishers of the statistics, making the following points to refute many of the dramatic claims about cheerleading:

  1. The numbers being used are the same as those over the past two years, yet they are given as if this is continuing information and that injury rates continue to rise. No participation figures, relevant background information or corresponding data for other athletic activities are presented in these articles. In fact, no actual injury rate is ever given.
  2. Cheerleading does not have more serious injuries than football, hockey or all other sports combined. Over 350,000 people were treated in emergency rooms for football related injuries in 2004. That number is often ignored because there are probably more football players than cheerleaders, and it is primarily males that participate. It may be more realistic to compare cheerleading numbers to women’s basketball as the participation numbers are likely similar. In the same year in which 26,000 cheerleaders were treated in emergency rooms, they were sitting next to over 100,000 female basketball players. Nearly quadruple the amount of emergency room visits for women’s basketball, who a) have more access to an athletic trainer to filter out minor injuries and b) who do not participate in a year-round activity.
  3. The numbers being given also do not account for the fact that cheerleading is nearly a year round activity that takes place across sports seasons. Any comparison to other activities must account for the shorter participation time for those sports. Consider an athlete that participates in football and in basketball and is injured once in each season. Now consider another athlete participating on a cheerleading squad that cheers for football and basketball and is injured once during each of those seasons. The two injury rates are statistically equal, yet cheerleading will be shown to have twice the number of injuries. Without injury rate information, the statistics show what the author intends to show.
  4. Using emergency room visits is also inflammatory in that the vast majority, over 98% of those visits, were classified as “Treated & Released, Or Examined & Released Without Treatment.” The average person reading “emergency room visit” envisions 26,000 cheerleaders going into the emergency room on a stretcher. There are obviously serious injuries that need emergency procedures including hospitalization, but to include the percentage that were treated and released or even released without treatment needed only adds to the misrepresentation of cheerleading injuries and obscures the strides that have been made with regard to safety.

The report from the National Center for Catastrophic Injury incorporated statistics dating to 1982. Lord makes the valid point that cheerleading today enforces safety rules and stunt standards not enforced in the past. Numbers and types of flips and tosses are regulated and strict guidelines govern equipment from clothing to mats. It should also be remembered that through the 1980s, cheerleading was one of very few athletic outlets deemed acceptable for girls, so an injured girl athlete stood a relatively good chance of being a cheerleader.

Eating Disorders

Like young females in the population generally, cheerleaders in recent years are at a rising risk of developing eating disorders, which Pirtle (2002) contends are conservatively estimated to affect 5–10 million young American women and kill 50,000 directly. Doctors do not understand why women develop eating disorders, according to Pirtle, but do know that these disorders have death rates higher than any other psychiatric illness. Cheerleaders are at risk of eating disorders because (a) they share the same risk factors as young females who are not cheerleaders, (b) their sport has an “aesthetic” standard as well as an athletic one and performs before large audiences and even on television (which proverbially adds 10 lb), (c) they wear revealing costumes that may increase body consciousness as they highlight thinness, (d) the stunts they perform, as in the sport of gymnastics as well, are easier at low body weights, and (e) coaches have historically claimed small size produces more proficient tumbling and stunting (it is not uncommon for cheerleading teams to enforce weight standards with group weigh-ins) (Thompson, 2003). Scholarly research on cheerleaders is rare, but one study found high school cheerleaders to exhibit more body dissatisfaction and more eating disorders than college cheerleaders (Thompson, 2004).

Eating disorders in women and girls can lead to three interrelated health problems referred to at times as the female triad: lack of energy, menstrual disorders (amenorrhea), and weak bones (osteoporosis) (“The Female Triad,” 2006). Adulthood infertility and bone fractures (females accumulate about 50% of bone mass as teens) are potential effects. At greatest risk from the triad are those who participate in “aesthetic sports” (cheerleading, diving, gymnastics), weight-class sports (rowing, judo, karate, boxing, body building), and long-distance running. According to one study, primary menarche at 15 years occurs in 1% of girls in the general population and in 22% of girls competing in aesthetic sports. Cessation of periods might occur in 2%–5% of young women in general, whereas a study of one women’s track team found 65% of the athletes to be amenorrheic (“The Female Triad,” 2006).

Sexual Harassment

According to at least one study, students who experience some form of sexual harassment far outnumber students who get through school with no such incident. The research included 8th- through 11th-graders, 80% of whom, the results indicated, had been sexually harassed at school in some fashion—girls and boys alike. In colleges and universities the rate among female students, according to a survey, was 62%; harassment was occasionally the cause of dropping a course or avoiding a particular location (National Coalition for Women and Girls in Education, 2008, p. II).

Cheerleaders are young women who literally stand out in the crowd, making them prime targets for sexual harassment. Sexual harassment lawsuits are common in education: When a cheerleader sued Marshall University over alleged sexual harassment, counsel at the Higher Education Policy Commission (the board that coordinates public colleges in West Virginia) said “lawsuits against the commission ‘happen about every day’” (Leubsdorf, 2006). Perhaps not surprisingly, a Westlaw search shows the vast majority of lawsuits involving cheerleaders to fall into the category of sexual harassment.

The National Coalition for Women and Girls in Education’s report Title IX at 35: Beyond the Headlines reiterates the legal power stemming from Title IX as it relates to sexual harassment in schools at any level:

Sexual harassment is sex discrimination that is prohibited by Title IX, whether the student is harassed by employees such as teachers or coaches, or by other students. Students who have suffered sexual harassment may sue for damages in court under Title IX, but schools have an obligation to end harassment that goes well beyond their monetary liability. OCR issued a Sexual Harassment Guidance in 1997, which was revised in 2001, that requires all schools subject to Title IX to maintain an environment that is free of sexual harassment and to remedy the effects of harassment on the victim. (National Coalition for Women and Girls in Education, 2008, p. II)

Title IX may protect cheerleaders (to some extent) from sexual harassment in public schools, but all star competitive cheerleaders function in environments not necessarily subject to Title IX. Harassment could go unpunished there, but in at least one case crime did not. In Vancouver, Washington, a cheerleading coach was sentenced to a nine-month jail stay and 10 years’ registration as a sex offender for having sex with a 16-year-old athlete he was training. As many other states do, Washington prohibits teachers and coaches from having sex with students, whatever the student’s age (Rice, 2008).

Hegemonic Implications

Title IX has greatly increased opportunities for girls and women to participate in sports. Since the statute’s enactment in June 1972, the number of female high school athletes has increased over 900%, from some 290,000 to 2.9 million. Women’s participation in intercollegiate sports has soared from 16,000 to 180,000, or more than 450% (Rhode, 2007). While the express purpose of Title IX was to prohibit sex discrimination in institutions receiving federal funding, the regulation also explicitly permits organizers of school-based contact sport programs to segregate competitors by sex. (The primary contact sports are boxing, wrestling, rugby, ice hockey, football, and basketball; other sports whose purpose or major activity involves bodily contact may also be included.) As McDonagh and Pappano explain (2008),

A recipient may operate or sponsor separate teams for members of each sex where selection for such teams is based upon competitive skill or the activity involved is a contact sport. However, where a recipient operates or sponsors a team in a particular sport for members of one sex but operates or sponsors no such team for members of the other sex, and athletic opportunities for members of that sex have previously been limited, members of the excluded sex must be allowed to try-out for the team offered unless the sport is a contact sport.

McDonagh and Pappano illuminate, moreover, the reality that the use of Title IX to sanction segregation within the contact sports has been a signal to non-contact sports (and some other activities) to follow suit. Title IX does not seem to suggest that billiards, chess, or bridge should be sex-segregated, but they have been. Title IX would seem to encourage, not discourage, mixed-sex teams for tennis, skiing, bowling, and even discus throwing, with men and women competing against each other. Title IX’s language separating male from female within the realm of contact sports perpetuates the male model of sport more than it promotes the equality of men and women. Not accepted on those teams, women have been distanced, connoting inferiority of their athletic ability and perhaps their will to compete.

Women stepping aside is an old theme, not confined to sports but reappearing readily even in cheerleading—90% female or not. For example, Thompson (2003) examines how it is assumed that, where cheerleader physical standards are concerned, it is the female gender that must hold to the mark. Thompson cites a 1996 study by Reel and Gill that found that cheerleaders were pressured from many sides to lose weight. The weight-watching college coaches who were interviewed claimed that below-average-sized females (and males) better demonstrated the required flexibility, in the same way that above-average-sized basketball players better demonstrate the ability to get to the basket. The argument as it figures in cheerleading, apparently, is that the females must be small so that males can lift them.

A case in the Superior Court of Connecticut involved a cheerleader dismissed for failing to satisfy her squad’s weight restriction (Connecticut Commission on Human Rights and Michelle Budnik v. State of Connecticut, University of Connecticut, et al., 1996). Her suit was dismissed on appeal, with the following remarks:

As for the weight restriction, the hearing officer found that the defendant, UConn, had a legitimate, nondiscriminatory reason for imposing the weight standard. . . . [I]n order for the entire squad to perform advanced partner stunts, which included lifting and tossing, it was necessary for general limits on how much the female cheerleaders, the “tosses,” could weigh. [The cheerleading coach] did not arbitrarily pick a number, but reviewed comparable programs at different schools to set the maximum at 125 pounds. The cheerleading coach testified that tossing was involved in 85 to 90 percent of the cheers the squad performed. (Budnick v. Connecticut, 1996)

It is not likely that any mention was made before the Court of male cheerleaders’ ability to bench press the 130 lb required by team rules. Thompson (2003) asks why coaches can’t as easily require male cheerleaders to be stronger as requiring female cheerleaders to be lighter. Another option would be the elimination of stunts, something the University of Nebraska’s athletic director suggested, concerned about safety (Thompson, 2003). But we need to remember the sensationalism Lord (2007) pointed out as coloring reports on cheerleading injuries. Male-dominated sports do not seem subject to censure simply because they involve risk. No one suggests removing tackling or the kickoff from the playbook. What is advised is increased safety awareness, proper supervision, and training in proper techniques—the same things that are recommended by organizations governing cheerleading.

Conclusion

The sport of cheerleading is here to stay. If it can perhaps be accused of perpetuating stereotypes with its sexualized performance—“aesthetic” standards, revealing costumes, pom-poms—competitive cheerleading also provides an example of American women turning the tables. Cheerleading was originated by men and handed to women in a sort of afterthought. But once it became women’s, it was developed with courage, perseverance, and creativity into something different, competitive cheerleading: women’s own sport for which they struggled and which they are establishing in more and more states as well as internationally.

Volumes have been written on the benefits of participating in sports, and women have proven their love for sports’ competitive demands: skill, strength, precision, courage, excellence. The sport of cheerleading incorporates all of these, truly earning respect and support for its athletes as they work to manifest their own view of the world through sports. Title IX rightly works to afford them equal opportunity: After all, the greater the success of women in any sport, in any endeavor, the greater the success of the society as a whole.

References

Brady, E. (2007). Enforcement of Title IX survey scrutinized. USA Today. Retrieved February 1, 2008, from the Ebsco database.

Connecticut Commission on Human Rights and Michelle Budnik v. State of Connecticut, University of Connecticut, et al. (Conn.Super. 1996).

The female triad: Common or not? (2006). Eating Disorders Review, 17(4), 8. Retrieved January 1, 2008, from the Ebsco database.

Herbert, D. (2008). Florida cheerleader’s suit barred by release. Sports Medicine Standards and Malpractice Reporter, 20(1), 6. Krathen v. School Board of Monroe County, Florida, No. 3D07-815 (Fla. App. 2007).

eubsdorf, B. (2006). Former cheerleader sues Marshall U. Chronicle of Higher Education, 52(45), 35.

Lin, Z. P., Huang, H. T. & Esposito, R. (2007). Investigating injuries in cheerleading. The Sport Supplement, 15(4). Retrieved July 3, 2008, from http://sportsupplement.org/article/investigating-injuries-cheerleading

Lord, J. (2007). The reality of cheerleading safety in 2007. Retrieved January 1, 2008, from http://www.aacca.org/cheersafety2007.pdf

McCormic and Geldwert v. the School District of Mamaroneck and School District of Pelham, 370 F.3d 275, 188 Ed. Law Rep. 62 (C.A.2 N.Y. 2004). Retrieved December 1, 2007, from the Westlaw database.

McDonagh, E., & Pappano, L. (2008). Playing with the boys: Why separate is not equal in sports. London: Oxford University Press.

Mercer, L. (2006). In high spirits. Sporting Goods Dealer, 205(2), 18–20. Retrieved January 1, 2008, from the Ebsco database.

National Coalition for Women and Girls in Education. (2008). Title IX at 35: Beyond the headlines. Retrieved January 1, 2008, from http://www.ncwge.org/PDF/TitleIXat35.pdf

National Federation of State High School Associations. (2007, September 5). High school sports participation increases again; girls exceeds three million for first time. Retrieved July 3, 2008, from http://www.nfhs.org/web/2007/09/high_school_sports_participation.aspx and http://www.nfhs.org/core/contentmanager/uploads/2006-07_Participation_Survey.pdf

Ninemire, V. (n.d.). Famous cheerleaders. Retrieved January 1, 2008, from http://cheerleading.about.com/od/famouscheerleaders/FamousCheerleaders.htm

Pennington, B. (2007, March 31). As cheerleaders soar higher, so does the danger. New York Times. Retrieved January 1, 2008, from http://www.nytimes.com/2007/03/31/sports/31cheerleader.html

Peters, C. (2003). Chapter 3: Spirit or sport? Competitive Cheerleading, 22(10).

Pirtle, J. (2002). Why don’t they just eat? Health, 16(2), 96–98. Retrieved February 1, 2008, from the Ebsco database.

Rice, S. (2008). Ex-cheerleading coach sentenced. The Columbian. Retrieved January 1, 2008, from the Ebsco database.

Rhode, D. (2007). Title IX today, Title IX tomorrow: Gender equity in college athletics. Retrieved July 3, 2008, from http://ethics.stanford.edu/titleixconference/titleIX_summary.pdf

Thompson, R. (2003). The last word: Cheerleader weight standards. Eating Disorders, 11(1), 87–91. Retrieved January 1, 2008, from the Ebsco database.

Thompson, S. (2004). A preliminary survey of dieting, body dissatisfaction, and eating problems among high school cheerleaders. Retrieved January 1, 2008, from the Ebsco database.

U. S. Department of Education Office of Civil Rights. (2005). Model survey: Assessment of students’ athletic interests and abilities issued in 2005. Retrieved February 1, 2008, from http://www.ed.gov/about/offices/list/ocr/docs/title9guidanceadditional.pdf

Wochnick, M. (2007). Girls’ gymnastics a new sport for three Lacey high schools. The Olympian. Retrieved November 1, 2007, from the Ebsco database.

Women’s Sports Foundation. (2000, July 20). Cheerleading: Cheerleading, drill team, danceline and band as varsity sports: The foundation position. Retrieved November 1, 2007, from http://www.womenssportsfoundation.org/Content/Articles/Issues/Title-IX/C/Cheerleading–Cheerleading-Drill-Team-Danceline-and-Band-As-Varsity-Sports-The-Foundation-Position.aspx

2015-11-06T20:23:36-06:00July 7th, 2008|Contemporary Sports Issues, Sports Exercise Science, Sports Studies and Sports Psychology|Comments Off on Cheerleading in the Context of Title IX and Gendering in Sport

Sport and Spirituality: A Comparative Perspective

Abstract

Responding to recent highly publicized sport scandals that so often tarnish the character of athletics, this writing defends the innate sanctity and redeems the potential of sport by exploring sport as a spiritual enterprise. Spirituality, generally conceptualized at three levels of connection (to self, others, and a higher being or purpose), is explored using 10 dominant themes of the world’s sacred scriptures. Examples of these 10 themes from the domain of sport and athletics are offered, as follows: supreme being and the mystery of sport; self and play in the zone; spiritual paths and practice; knowledge–wisdom and creativity–innovation in sport; the “good life” and the team; love and service as sportsmanship; devotion and worship through love of the game; fate and free will in “miracle and madness”; death and the “big picture”; and the spiritual sage and the sport hero.

Sport and Spirituality: A Comparative Perspective

My sport-and-spirituality venture began when I was a daring toddler chinning my way up the splendid chair-leg pedestals of my mother’s fine dining room furniture, eventually reaching the summit and setting up camp, temporarily, on the sacred heights of the table sanctuary. It was an enchanting escape, fashioning new and intriguing possibilities. Later such impulses would be disciplined by years of gymnastics training, following the singular path of a 4-in. balance beam or swinging unwittingly on two wooden spindle bars. Now, as a soccer mom, I watch as my children devoutly absorb themselves in the disciplined challenge and exhilarating excitement of sport and athletics. Life is good.

I never suspected inner rumblings among the community of believers until one night at dinner our family was discussing a recent barrage of player suspensions mounting on previous dismissals of athletes from a nearby university basketball program. My son drolly asked, “Who hasn’t assaulted someone?” His amused and also cynical rebuttal beckoned me to justify and defend the integrity of an activity to which I and many others have eagerly surrendered hours of dedicated practice; an activity leading to moments of unexpected and unrelenting joy, bewildering us with setbacks and conversion; an activity of obvious physical attributes but also imparting spiritual value to generations of players. I began to consider the message that was not being communicated from the sport pulpit to its eager and interested congregation. The spiritual essence of sport is rarely linked with the physical performance and competitive outcomes of sport in the context of popular sport promotion. Nevertheless, in its most fundamental and pure form, sport is spiritual. The spiritual is defined as that which raises the human condition to a higher level of personal awareness and interpersonal consciousness and heightened realization of a grand scheme of things.

To see the soul of sport, we must look beyond both the superficial, if spectacular, physical feats and the much-publicized aggression, anger, and greed in sport. Because sport is spiritual as well as physical, it can lead an athlete to personal transfiguration, revival of communal understanding, and redemption of life’s purpose and possibilities. The precisely executed tennis topspin, the gutsy 50-ft platform dive, the harmoniously choreographed triangle offense, the undeniable magic of the miracle game or perfect golf round can offer the deepest kind of meaning. Sport’s contribution to spiritual advancement cannot be underestimated. Just imagine where we would be had Adam and Eve tossed or teed off that shiny red orb from the Garden of Eden.

Each person’s spiritual venture involves three levels of connection: to the self (inner strength), to relationships (our undeniable union with others), and to a higher being or purpose. It is important to preserve the distinction between spiritual venture and organized religion; nevertheless, the quest for spiritual relevance is often grounded in the practices, teachings, and rituals of the world’s many religions. Religious scripture renders verbal descriptions and explanations to clarify complex spiritual themes. While the sacred scriptures of the world’s religions read differently, their messages and themes are often similar. They have been said to share 10 common themes: the idea of a supreme being, of the self, of the spiritual path, of knowledge and wisdom, of the “good life,” of love and service, of devotion and worship, of fate and free will, of death, and of the spiritual sage (Freke, 1998). This paper draws analogies between these themes and sport not to make sport a religion, but to present sport as an intriguing, insight-generating, exhilarating, and joyful means of awakening a lethargic soul, grasping an unresponsive heart, and enlightening feeble and fragile imagination to robust possibilities and convincing realities.

Supreme Being and the Mystery of Sport

Some would accuse popular culture of proclaiming sport as God. Spiritual text, however, tells us that God is one, yet God is all—a profound but confusing mystery. In depicting the supreme being with a human face, theologians of many faiths have tried to draw that being nearer to us and make it easier for us to conceptualize God (Freke, 1998). Capturing this powerful image in our hearts can be profound when we recognize and appreciate the wonder of God in our everyday lives. Recognition may come in something as simple and subtle as a rainbow’s faint appearance, or in something as intense and marvelous as a friend’s first struggling words after brain surgery. Recognition of God in our everyday lives may also arise at the unexplainable synchrony of a heavyweight boxer’s feather-light, floating grace and stinging punch; or at the gritty determination of the Korean breaststroker in the 2001 Paralympic Games sleekly slithering through the water like a squid, powerfully thrusting himself through each armless stroke with the force of his legs, bracing for each poolside head-butt turn of the race. Inexplicable skills and exquisite performances in sport expose the wonder of a higher power. As the Christian Bible’s book of Matthew offers, “With God all things are possible” (Matt. 19:26, New International Version).

The Self and Play in the Zone

One demanding scriptural theme that challenges our essential nature is the perplexing premise that God is within us. As expressed in the Christian Bible, “He is not far from each one of us,” for “In him we live and move and have our being” (Acts 17: 27– 28). In the realm of sport, God-within-us is perhaps epitomized in the experience of flow. Also experienced by accomplished artists and musicians, flow is described by many athletes as being “in the zone”: a state of harmonious union of body and mind wherein the two work together effortlessly, leaving the individual with an undeniable feeling that something special has occurred (Jackson & Csikszentmihalyi, 1999). The Chicago Bulls’ Michael Jordan was in the zone, for example, in Game 1 of the 1992 National Basketball Association Finals against Portland, when in the first half he sank six 3-point shots. At the time, reportedly, a broadcast crew member gestured at Jordan to as if to ask, “How did you do that?” In reply, Jordan shrugged the famous shrug acknowledging the wonder and mystery of his “out-of-body” experience, the only part of which he understood was that he couldn’t miss! In flow, there is the uncanny realization that what has been experienced is an undeniable sense of peace (“Classic NBA Quotes,” 2008).

The Spiritual Path and Practice

The spiritual path is humankind’s virtuous attempt to navigate toward a life of personal fulfillment and ultimate discovery, embodied in human compassion. Scriptural texts prescribe various codes, practices, and rituals as learning guides on the sacred journey represented by the spiritual path. Within Buddhism, “the Middle Way” is the prescription for enlightenment (Freke, 1998), as follows:

There are two extremes, O Bhikkhus, which he who has given up the world, ought to avoid. . . . By avoiding these two extremes, the Tathagata has gained the knowledge of the Middle Path which leads to insight, which leads to wisdom, which conduces to calm, to knowledge . . . to Nirvana (Mahavagga, I, 6, 17–18). (p. 48)

Sport, in its fashion, captures the essence of the Middle Way. An athlete’s success is marked by steady, relevant progress on sturdy grounding—neither surrender to the marshy swampland of lethargy nor a dash to the insecure precipice of training obsession. On one hand, those who study flow report that the seemingly effortless performances of accomplished athletes are anchored in hours of practice, careful attention, and critique. On the other hand, those who study the body’s adaptation to sport training warn of a subtle tipping point at which both strength and spirit are diminished: overtraining.

In shaping their unique paths to success, some athletes have demonstrated one extreme or the other. For example, Allen Iverson, a guard with the NBA’s Denver Nuggets, apparently disgruntled with the intense requirements of the training pilgrimage, persistently and nearly to the point of being comical denies the value of practice. In doing so, he discounts not just his own but his teammates’ sacrifices as they have invested themselves in the pilgrimage. Conversely, Olympic runner Suzy Favor-Hamilton chronicled her resurrection from the perils of an unrelenting training schedule (throughout high school and college she never took one day off from running) accompanied by unscrupulous dieting, noting how excess led to plummeting performance, devastating injuries, and psychological burnout.

Surely, the provisional aspect of the journey is the delicate maneuvering and incredible grounding necessary to balance between life’s extremes. Scripturally, the curious balance required constitutes the fascinating effort–grace paradox, whose analogue in athletics is the tension between the bulging muscle of our personal efforts and the supple support of God’s grace. The spiritual journey’s ultimate mystical destination is our realization and understanding that we are where we need to be, always part of the One, and always remembering the One. The scriptures of Islam are among those that address such truth, as in for instance the Hadith of Tirmidhi, which states, “For everything there is an appropriate way of polishing; the heart’s polishing is the remembrance of God” (Freke, 1998, p. 45). For the athlete, sincere preparation for competition marks the sign of the cross, so to speak, reminding us of this silent, polishing communion with God.

Knowledge and Wisdom as Creativity and Innovation in Sport

Where athletics and sport have the potential to score a spiritual “10” is in the leap from prescribed dictates of a spiritual code, to the realm of experiential knowledge and wisdom. When to the insights bestowed by observant teachers and ingenious coaches athletes add personal knowledge gained from playing, they are freed from limited perception. As the Hindu scripture known as the “Ashtavakra Gita” advises, “Give up conceptualizing altogether. Have no beliefs or concepts of any kind. You are the ever-free Consciousness. How can any thinking help you in any way?” (Freke, 1998). As such, the athlete is a rendering of God’s creation. The knowledgeable athlete redefines the boundaries of his or her game. Freed from defined constructs, the competitor is keenly aware of the self, with its strength and spirit, and in the innovative performances fostered by such freedom, sport’s reality is redefined.

Edson Arantes Do Nascimento, the unassuming, average-sized man better known as Pelé, scored 1,280 goals in 1,360 games over a 20-year career (1956–1977) as he revolutionized the game of soccer. Of his incredible speed and balance, tremendous vision, excellent ball control, and powerful, accurate shooting with either foot and with his head, Pelé has said, “It seems that God brought me to Earth with a mission to play soccer” (Gonzalez, n.d.). Track and field star Dick Fosbury stunned spectators at the 1968 Summer Olympics as his unconventional jumping technique led him to a gold medal in the high jump. Fosbury’s “flop” quickly came to replace traditional dive-and-straddle high jump technique. At the 1972 Olympics, Olga Korbut reinvented gymnastics with feats of athleticism never before seen in the sport. Her back flip–catch off the top of the uneven parallel bars revolutionized gymnastics. Like Pelé and Fosbury, Korbut’s skill mastery fashioned new forms and meanings in the sport. This acknowledgement must be made, however, in the context of such scriptural reminders as Zen Buddhism’s cautionary note on recreated knowledge: It is only “a finger pointing at the moon but not the moon itself,” since human knowing can never match God’s greater wisdom (Freke, 1998).

The “Good Life” and the Team

Religions around the world expect a spiritual follower to live a “good life,” endorsing various codes of righteous behavior. Christians hold fast to the imperatives of the “Ten Commandments”; Buddhists adhere to the “Noble Eightfold Path.” Hindus strive to obey their “Laws of Life”; Taoists pursue the “Natural Way.” All of these faiths’ codes of behavior share in common a conviction that a good life is in the making when a person contributes to the perfection and harmony of a larger whole. But here our human vulnerabilities can be harshly exposed. Tolle (2005) translates and describes sin, the opposite of goodness, as “missing the mark, as an archer who misses the target. . . . [T]o sin means to miss the point of human existence. It means to live unskillfully, blindly and thus to suffer and cause suffering” (p. 9). Tolle adds as well that being good requires a shift in consciousness. For the athlete, such a shift of consciousness comprises the humble displacement of self for the benefit of the team.

Athletes who pursue self-aggrandizement (like their counterparts in domains other than sport) will, the scriptures of various faiths agree, be humbled. In sport, the cost of vice is the destruction of the team and the burden of the whole, which is exponentially greater than the burden of each individual. Even as the National Football League legislated against impudence in the sport, the gods may have shown their take on unnecessary celebration, evening the score—no, raising the New York Giants’ score­—in Super Bowl 2008, after Randy Moss’s audacious appropriation of power over the universe, motioning for the seas to part after a late-game score.

Becoming a good sport suggests personal and interpersonal transformation and is necessary to be a true athlete. The concept of moving beyond the individual self to the collective team may be the most challenging aspect of spirituality in power cultures like professional sports. Tolle’s shift in consciousness is a marked change, and interestingly, the word sport can mean (in a definition employed within the biological sciences) “an organism that shows a marked change from the normal type or parent stock, typically as a result of mutation.”

Unfortunately, as is true of sin and disharmony, denying the collective is tremendously destructive to the individual, the community, and the promise of all that is good in sport. The shift from ego focus to collective consciousness in the world of sport relies on humility, repentance, forgiveness, compassion, and more (the spirit not the letter, perfect liberty). The marring and tarnishing of beauty, grace, and accomplishment is a failure of the whole. Marion Jones, in her public confession of her steroid use, asked forgiveness. She earnestly apologized for besmirching the sport that she had trained so hard for and dedicated her life to; in painfully exposing her failure, she paradoxically revealed her inner strength and goodness. Humans cannot know the individual predicaments that other humans face in their lives, and to reestablish harmony requires empathy and an unwillingness to stand in judgment. Public forgiveness was necessary to reunite Jones with the community. As Islamic scriptural text maintains, “The best deed of a great man is to forgive and forget”; or as Judaism’s Talmud phrases it, “When we know we are all one . . . forgiveness is natural” (Freke, 1998).

Love and Service Seen As Sportsmanship

The most seemingly absurd association between spirituality and sport is the notion that the spiritual undertaking of love and service coexists with athletic achievement and success—victory over others. But it is the connection between compassion and sport that can be most inspiring. Sport provides an alternative impression of the clash between collective egos, the us versus them. As Los Angeles Lakers coach Phil Jackson wrote in his book Sacred Hoops, “There has to be another way, an approach that honors the humanity of both sides while recognizing that only one victor can emerge. . . . a wide-angle view of competition that encompasses both opponents as partners in the dance.” Ultimately, Jackson (1995) compares competition and sport to battle, stating that, “The challenge of warriorship is to step out of the cocoon, to step out into space, by being brave and at the same time gentle” (Jackson, 1995). This unconventional model of competition builds not on humiliation, power, and aggression but on honor, respect, and yielding. Such mutual respect and admiration is seen in the world of sport. Steve Nash of the Phoenix Suns, for example, and Dirk Nowitzki of the Dallas Mavericks demonstrate fierce competitiveness while maintaining the integrity of a several-year friendship.

Devotion and Worship Seen As Love of the Game

While healthy competition and sportsmanship define the promise of the sport experience, when athletes play with special reverence for the tradition and legacy of “the game,” they achieve an even higher level of consciousness. Spiritual mystics have long affirmed and expressed the sacredness of life and celestial wonders through dedicated worship and praise. In a similar way, devoted athletes may demonstrate their respect and honor for the game through gestures observed as ritual. Ritual, according to Marty (1998), comprises conscious, voluntary, repetitious and stylized symbolic bodily actions, centered on cosmic structures and/or sacred presences; sport, Marty continues, thus embraces ritual, since “Sports involve sacrifice of energy and limb . . . [and] who sacrifices without ritual?”

In Sacred Hoops, Jackson describes how he adopted Vince Lombardi’s ritual of “crossing the line.” Lombardi, legendary football coach who led the Green Bay Packers to five league championships in his nine years of coaching, asked his players to walk over the line, symbolically confirming their consent and commitment to practice every day. By creating a sacred space with Lakota symbols of balance, harmony, power, prosperity, and good fortune, Jackson similarly established a holy sanctuary within which athletes mindfully attend to the task at hand. Such rituals and symbols establish an atmosphere of mindful attention to purpose. Freke (1998) notes that Judaism’s “Book of the Secrets of Enoch” states, “It is good to go morning, midday, and evening into the Lord’s dwelling, for the glory of your creator. Because every breathing thing glorifies him and every creature visible and invisible returns him praise” (p. 111).

Fate and Free Will and the “Miracle and Madness”

While rituals may help us organize and fashion that which is so vulnerable and unpredictable in our lives, ultimately the spiritual uncertainty of free will and fate emerge. The investment of whatever amount of energy, commitment, and rite does not guarantee success. As Freke (1998) noted, “Human life is the interaction of fate and freedom of choice” (p. 120). Spiritually, we are advised to make choices pursuant to the good life; we are reminded that we cannot control the world and that God is in the driver’s seat. We can only control our responses to what befalls us. Judaism acknowledges the spiritual paradox and mystical truth that fate and human will mysteriously coincide, that life leads us along the road that we have actually chosen. Jewish spiritual text, as cited in Freke, holds that “Everything is foreknown, but man is free” (p. 36). The doctrine of karma, too, explains fate as the outcome of our previous choices. But lightning strikes, and stunning rainbows emerge from dreary skies.

There is no better illustration of this paradox than the miracles and madness of sport—unexplained victories and devastating, unpredictable losses. The United States ice hockey team’s 4–3 victory over the Soviet Union during the 1980 Lake Placid Olympics has been called the “miracle on ice.” The Russian team was in peak form and comprised both mature veterans and ambitious young talent; it had just annihilated the National Hockey League all-star team 6–0 in the deciding game of a challenge series. It was unfathomable that a team of U.S. college players had a chance against such fierce competition. Certainly U.S. players’ strenuous conditioning and meticulous strategic and tactical preparation had an impact, but it has struck many experts that nothing short of a miracle allowed them to emerge victorious (Fitzpatrick, 2008). Observing such turns of event in sport, we realize we are not necessarily in control—an understanding that returns us to the sheer joy of child’s play and surrender to the moment.

Death and the Big Picture (Field of Dreams)

Sacred scripture intimates that by examining our beliefs about and attitudes toward death, we become truly free to live our authentic lives. Similarly for the athlete, the desperation of a defeat, devastation of injury, or struggle of a losing season can bring perspective, making the opportunity to play more pleasurable. Mortality certainly helps define humankind’s place in the big picture; acknowledging it as our own, we become enraptured of the pleasures of participating in life. The Shinto religion offers a scripture (Tenrikyo Ofudesaki 3.41) that says, “All human bodies are things lent by god. With what thought are you using yours?” (Freke, 1998, p. 142). Green Bay Packers quarterback Brett Favre, at 38 playing a sport that most athletes survive in for only a handful of years, has achieved many football mileposts, for example most wins by a starting quarterback, most consecutive games played by a quarterback, and most touchdown passes thrown. But his physical achievements pale next to his fervor to stay in the game despite numerous setbacks. He nearly died in a car accident; was diagnosed with avascular necrosis, a degenerative hip condition; lost his father and also his brother-in-law in accidents; watched his wife battle breast cancer; and saw his hometown ravaged by Hurricane Katrina. Favre admits to behaving recklessly on field and off at points in his past, but we have seen him mature without losing any of his youthful love for of football. Shipnuck (2007) explains that Favre’s favorite career memories are not what might be expected:

‘The funny thing is, it’s not only about the touchdowns and the big victories. If I were to make a list, I would include the interceptions, the sacks, the really painful losses. Those times when I’ve been down, when I’ve been kicked around, I hold on to those. In a way those are the best times I’ve ever had, because that’s when I’ve found out who I am. And what I want to be.’

In confronting our own challenging moments, athletes and the rest of us realize a personal potential that surpasses human understanding and the typical experiences of life. We discover our innate potential and embody the full measure of life’s opportunities.

The Spiritual Sage and the Sport Hero

Occasionally there emerge from among us mortals who, like the society of saints, challenge and inspire us with their lives of transcendence. We are awakened by their selfless compassion and stand in awe of the harmony they create with all others as they accept life on its terms. They are spiritual sages or spiritual heroes, projecting what a human was truly created to be. The dutiful sport hero models the same wholeness in living. According to Buddhist scripture, enlightenment is gained when we see that suffering in life is diminished by moving from the ignorance of separation to the knowledge of wholeness, which is our true enlightened nature. As Freke (1998), explains, the enlightened have “traveled from the ignorance of separation to the further shore of enlightenment . . . concerned with relieving the suffering of others” (p. 166).

Sacred scripture variously affirms that the spiritual sage is characterized by humility and compassion (Jewish, Christian); by detached selflessness (Hindu); and/or by integrity, respectfulness, and unwillingness to stand in judgment of another (East Asian thought generally). The ethical sport hero exemplifies the same qualities. Baseball hall of fall honoree Roberto Clemente came to the Pittsburgh Pirates from humble beginnings as the youngest of seven in a family in Puerto Rico. When he died in the 1972 crash of a plane enroute to deliver relief supplies to survivors of the great earthquake in Nicaragua, his remarkable accomplishments in his sport (lifetime batting average of .371 with 240 homeruns and 1,305 RBI) were preempted by his dedication to others. According to Price (2001), Peter Williams describes Clemente’s martyr-like status as resulting from two characteristics, (a) that Clemente died without warning and (b) his ethical heroism was primarily active:

In other words he died, as he had lived, doing charitable work for the disadvantaged. In this, he was very much a hero in tune with the social activism of his time; and the response to his death, showing an awareness of this, ended by strengthening a heroic image that was already established.” (p. 102)

In offering a perspective on such a state of self-actualization, the Buddhist Diamond Sutra explains that enlightened beings cannot even think of themselves as enlightened, for this would involve the idea of a self, whereas “enlightenment is an impersonal happening, not a personal achievement” (Freke, 1989, p. 170).

As we head into the 2008 Summer Olympic Games, this discussion reminds us of the fundamental nature of sport: its surge of innocent vitality, its ingenuous dance with others, its trusting application of ourselves to the challenge. Among others, Johann Olav Koss, a four-time Olympic speed skating medalist and three-time world record holder, has argued there is a basic human need for play, sport, athletics. Witnessing children confined to an Ethiopian refugee camp playing soccer in the dirt with a rolled-up shirt as ball, he resolved to work on such children’s behalf “until everyone believes in Olympic Aid’s motto: ‘Every child has the right to play’” (Beijing Olympic Organizing Committee, 2008). The Jesuit scholar Hugo Rahner (cited in Lawrence, 2005) in his writings emphasizes the spiritual force of play and sport. “To play,” he explains, “is to yield oneself to a kind of magic . . . to enter a world where different laws apply, to be relieved of all the weights that bear it down, to be free, kingly, unfettered and divine.” In tossing the apple, we play, create, cooperate, challenge, dream, and grow.

Reference List

Beijing Organizing Committee for the Games of the XXIX Olympiad. (n.d.). Olympic stories: Johann Koss. Retrieved May 2, 2008, from
http://en.beijing2008.cn/ education/stories/n214077679.shtml

Favor-Hamilton, S., & Antonio, J. (2004). Fast track: Training and nutrition from America’s top female distance runner. New York: Holtzbrinck.

Fitzpatrick, J. (n.d.). About.com: Hockey—Miracle on ice: American hockey’s defining moment: How the 1980 U.S. Olympic hockey team created its “miracle on ice.” Retrieved May 2, 2008, from
http://proicehockey.about.com/cs/history/a/miracle_on_ice.htm

Freke, T. (1998). The illustrated book of sacred scriptures. New Alresford, Hampshire, England: Godsfield Press.

Gonzalez, O. (n.d.). Latino legends in sports: Edson Arantes “Pele” Nascimento. Retrieved May 2, 2008, from http://www.latinosportslegends.com/Pele_bio.htm

Jackson, P., & Delehanty, H. (1995). Sacred hoops: Spiritual lessons of a hardwood warrior. New York: Hyperion.

Jackson, S. A. & Csikszentmihalyi, M. (1999). Flow in sports: The keys to optimal experiences and performances. Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics.

Lawrence, I. (2005, April 8). The emergence of “sport and spirituality” in popular culture. The Sport Journal, 2(8). Retrieved May 2, 2008, from
http://www.thesportjournal.org/article/emergence-sport-and-spirituality-popular-culture

Marty, M. E. (1998, August). Last word: Ritual in sports, sports as ritual. The Park Ridge Center Bulletin, 5. Retrieved May 2, 2008, from http://www.parkridgecenter.org/Page127.html

National Basketball Association (n.d.). NBA encyclopedia playoff edition: Classic NBA quotes: Michael Jordan. Retrieved May 2, 2008, from
http://www.nba.com/history/Classic_NBA_Quotes_Jordan.html

Price, J. L. (Ed.). (2001). From season to season: Sports as American religion. Macon, GA: Mercer University Press.

Shipnuck, A. (2007, December 3). 2007 Sportsman of the Year. Sports Illustrated. Retrieved May 2, 2008, from
http://sportsillustrated.cnn.com/2007/magazine/specials/sportsman/2007/12/03/sportsman.2007/index.html

Tolle, Eckhart. (2005). A new earth: Awakening to your life’s purpose. New York: Penguin.

2017-08-07T11:44:23-05:00July 7th, 2008|Contemporary Sports Issues, Sports Management, Sports Studies and Sports Psychology|Comments Off on Sport and Spirituality: A Comparative Perspective
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