Contemporary Sports Issues – Page 77

Consumer Discrimination in the NBA Trading-Card Market

Submitted by: Philip Broyles & Bradley Keen

Abstract

This research examines consumer discrimination in the NBA trading-card market. Using a sample of 298 NBA trading cards for the 1991-92 season, we find that race does not affect whether a trading cards sell above the common-player price. This is consistent with previous research on NBA trading cards. However, it was found that among players with common-player priced cards (average players), blacks out perform whites in points-per-game and assists-per-game. Further research is needed to see if black-white performance differences are related to discrimination in entry or retention in the NBA.

Introduction

Of the major professional sports, basketball may seem the least likely place for racial discrimination. Since its integration in the 1940s, professional basketball has achieved the highest level of African American representation of the major professional sports in the United States. Today over 80 percent of NBA players are African American. Moreover, many of the most celebrated athletes today, such as Michael Jordan and Kobe Bryant, are African American basketball players. It is therefore surprising that numerous studies provide evidence of discrimination in the NBA labor market.

Labor market discrimination is defined as unequal treatment of equally qualified workers. A great deal of research on labor market discrimination has focused on the racial pay differences of NBA athletes (see Kahn, 2000, 1991). The results vary greatly. Rockwood and Asher (1976) and Mogul (1977, 1981) found no significant difference in white and black player’s salaries in the 1970s. Using a sample from the early 1980s, Scott et al. (1985) also found no relationship between player’s race and earnings. These studies, however, were based on small samples of athletes (N<30). Studies with larger samples from the 1980s consistently show a significant relationship between race and earnings. Kahn and Sherer (1988) found that white players earned 21-25 percent more than their black counterparts. Similarly, Wallace (1988) found that white players earned 18 percent more than black players and Koch and Vander (1988) found the difference to be 12 percent. Recent research by Hamilton (1997) suggests that differences in pay between black and white players may be disappearing. Using a sample of players from the 1994-95 season, Hamilton found that black players out-earned whites through the 75th percentile but at the top (90th percentile) whites were paid slightly more than blacks.

Kahn (2000) suggests that consumer discrimination may explain some of the racial pay gap observed in basketball. If fans are prejudiced against African Americans, teams may hire more white players or pay white players more. There is evidence from the 1980s that is consistent with this hypothesis. Numerous studies show that black players lower revenues or attendance (Kahn, 1991). For example, Kahn and Sherer (1988) found that during the 1980-86 period, white players generated as many as 13,000 additional fans per year. And other researchers have found that the racial makeup of NBA teams was similar to the racial composition of the area in which they were located (Burdekin and Idson, 1991; Hoang and Rascher, 1999). More recent research suggests that consumer discrimination may be on the decline. Dey (1997) found that in the 1987-93 period, white players only brought in an average of 60 additional fans per season.

Few studies have examined consumer discrimination more directly. One exception is a study by Stone and Warren (1999), which examines the price of NBA players’ trading cards. Using a sample of 258 NBA players from the 1976-77 season, they found that the price of NBA trading cards did not vary by player’s race. Their methodology, however, was based on the assumption that consumer discrimination is pervasive throughout the ability distribution. It is possible that card collectors only discriminate against the star athletes. Consumers may have discriminatory preferences for white stars but no real preference among black and white athletes of average ability. If this is the case, then the trading cards of white stars will be valued more than the cards of black stars. This hypothesis is consistent with Hamilton’s (1997) research on earnings discrimination, which showed that white players only had an advantage over black players at the superstar level-at the top of the earnings distribution. To further understand this issue, we examine a sample of 298 NBA trading cards produced in 1992.

Data and Methodology

Our sample consists of a complete set of Fleer NBA trading cards issued in 1992. We picked Fleer over other brands because they have been producing basketball cards the longest time and have had NBA production rights since 1986. Specialty cards (coaches, multiple players and so forth) were eliminated from the set, leaving a final sample of 298 cards representing NBA players active during the 1991-92 season-all have since retired. Eighty percent of the trading cards are of black NBA players.

The value of a player’s card is determined largely by the performance of the player. Unlike studies of other labor markets, job performance of professional athletes can be precisely measured. Comprehensive basketball statistics are kept for all facets of the game. In this study, we use multiple measure of performance, including field goal percentage, three-point field goal percentage, free throw percentage, rebounds per game, assists per game, points per game and games played. The performance data was collected from The Official NBA Encyclopedia (2000), which is a comprehensive source on basketball statistics. Additional information was collected from The Sporting News Official NBA Register (2000, 2001).

The value of a player’s card is also determined by the scarcity of the card, which is related to the age of the card and the number of cards. The influence of scarcity on card prices is minimal when a single set of cards is considered because cards from the same set are produced in the same number and are the same age-though there may be some small difference in the actual number of cards in circulation because cards are lost over time. Because we have selected trading cards from a single set, scarcity will not be a major determinant in the price of the cards we are examining.

A couple other factors also affect the value of cards. First, the condition of the card affects the value of player’s cards. Cards in better condition are worth more that others. To control for this effect, we examine cards in mint condition. Second, rookie cards are often worth more than other cards. Cards that mark the debut of a player are highly prized by collectors, especially those of star players. To control for this bias, we use a dummy variable to indicate rookie status. There are 42 (14%) rookie cards in the sample.

Several price guides exist for basketball trading cards. The most comprehensive and respected source for trading card prices is Beckett’s price guide. We use the Beckett 2003 Official Price Guide for Basketball Cards to determine the price for trading cards in mint condition. Most cards sell at the “common player” price, which is the minimum value of a card and is not related to performance of a player. Of the cards in our sample, 213 (71%) have the common-player price, only 85 (29%) are priced higher. The common-player price is $.05 and the maximum mint value for the sample is $2.00. Because a large number of cards in the sample are valued at the common-player price and because there is small variation among those cards priced above the common-player price, we can essentially identify two groups for comparison: average players (those with common-player priced cards) and star players (those with higher priced cards). Therefore, card price is coded as a dummy variable, contrasting common-player priced cards with higher priced cards.

Findings

Table 1 reports the descriptive statistics for the performance variables by race. Overall, there is little difference between the performance of black players and white players, with the exception of points-per-game. Black players score just under two points more per game than do white players. Black players appear to outperform white players slightly in rebounds-per-game and assists-per-game, but the differences are not statistically significant. Black players also play more games, on average, than do white players.

A linear regression was run to see if performance differences between black and white players affected the value of trading cards. Table 2 presents the results for the logistic regression. As the results in Table 2 indicate, three of the major performance variables are statistically significant: rebounds-per-game, points-per-game, assists-per-game. Each of these variables increases the odds that a trading card is worth more than the common-player price. For example, an increase of one point per game increases the odds of a trading card being worth more than the common-player price by 26 percent. Performance variables based on shooting percentages are not significant. Field goal and free throw percentages have no affect on whether cards are worth more than the common-player price. However, the number of games played also increases the odds that a card is worth more than the common-player price. And, as expected, rookie cards are more likely to be priced above common-player price, too.

Consistent with Stone and Warren (1999), race of the player has no significant effect on the value of NBA trading cards in our sample. Although the beta coefficient for race suggests that being white increases the odds that the player’s trading card is worth more than the common-player price, the coefficient is not statistically significant. Trading card enthusiasts do not value white NBA stars more than black stars. These findings lend to the mounting evidence that consumer discrimination may be declining in professional basketball.

Although it appears that consumers do not discriminate against black stars, it is still possible that consumers discriminate against average black players. To explore this issue, we calculated black and white means of performance variables for trading cards that were priced at the common-player price. Table 3 presents the means for the 213 cards that were priced at the common-player price. The results show that average black players outperform white players in points-per game and assists-per-game. The differences are rather small. Black players average almost two more points per game and less than one assist more per game than white players. Nonetheless, it appears that blacks must perform better than whites to retain a place on the bench. This may reflect consumer discrimination. Coaches may keep white players who don’t perform as well to appease white fans. It may also reflect employer discrimination by coaches. Coaches may have higher expectations for black players than for white players. Further research is needed to disentangle these processes.

Conclusion

This research adds to the mounting evidence that consumer discrimination in the professional basketball is on the wane. Similar to Stone and Warren (1999), little evidence was found of discrimination in the trading card market. Trading-card collectors show little preference for white stars over black stars. This may largely be due to the rise of popular superstars like Magic Johnson and Michael Jordan, whose celebrity appeal crosses racial lines. Fans today can identify with, and desire to emulate, black NBA stars.

Future research should examine the role of these performance differences in entry and retention discrimination.

References

Beckett, James (2002), Beckett 2003 Official Price Guide for Basketball Cards, New York: The Crown Publishing Group.
Burdekin, Richard C. K. and Todd L. Idson, (1991) “Customer Preferences, Attendance and the Racial Structure of Professional Basketball Teams,” Applied Economics, 23:179-186.
Dey, Matthew S., (1997), “Racial Differences in National Basketball Association Players’ Salaries: Another Look,” The American Economist, 19 (3):293-318.
Hamilton, Barton Hughes, (1997),”Racial Discrimination and Professional Basketball Salaries in the 1990s,” Applied Economic, 29:287-296.
Hoang, Ha and Dan Rasher, (1997), “The NBA, Exit Discrimination, and Career Earnings,” Industrial Relations, 38 (1):69-91.
Hubbard, Jan., (ed.), (2000), The Official NBA Encyclopedia, New York: Doubleday.
Kahn, Lawrence M., (2000), “A Level Playing Field? Sports and Discrimination,” Pp. 115-130 in William S. Kern (ed.), The Economics of Sport Kalamazoo, MI: W.E. Upjohn Institute for Employment Research.
Kahn, Lawrence M. (1991), “Discrimination in Professional Sports: A Survey of the Literature,” Industrial and Labor Relations Review, 44 (April):395-418.
Kahn, Lawrence M., and Peter D. Sherer, (1988), “Racial Differences in Professional Basketball Players Compensation,” Journal of Labor Economics, 6 (1):40-61.
Koch, James V., and C. Warren Vander Hill, (1988), “Is there Discrimination in the ‘Black Man’s Game’?” Social Science Quarterly, 69 (1) 83-94.
Mogul, Robert G., (1981), “Salary Discrimination in Professional Sports,” Atlantic Economic Journal, 21(3):106-110.
12. Robert G., (1976), “A Note on Racial Discrimination in Professional Basketball: A Reevaluation of the Evidence,” American Economist, 21 (2):71-71.
Paur, Jeff, David Walton, John Gardella and John Hareas (eds.), (2000), The Sporting News 2001-2002 Official NBA Register, St. Louis: The Sporting News.
Rockwood, Charles E. and Ephraim Asher, (1976), “Racial Discrimination in Professional Basketball Revisited,” American Economist, 20 (1):59-64.
Scott, Frank A., Jr., James E. Long and Ken Somppi, (1985), “Salary vs. Marginal Revenue Product under Monopsony and Competition: The Case of Professional Basketball,” Atlantic Economic Revue, 13 (3):50-59.
Stone, Eric W. and Ronald S. Warren, (1997), “Customer Discrimination in Professional Basketball: Evidence from the Trading-Card Market,” Applied Economics, 31 (6): 679-686.
Wallace, Michael, (1988), “Labor Market Structure and Salary Determination among Professional Basketball Players,” Work and Occupations, 15 (3):294-312.
Walton, David and John Gardella (eds.), (2000), The Sporting News Official NBA Register 2002-2003 Edition, St. Louis: The Sporting News.

TABLE 1. Means for Performance Variables by Race (N=298)

Means

Standard Deviation

Number of Games Played

Black

White

712.67

658.24

326.13

328.30

Field Goal Percentage

Black

White

.466

.469

.040

.037

Three Point Percentage

Black

White

.238

.268

.116

.143

Free Throw Percentage

Black

White

.743

.757

.077

.093

Rebounds Per Game

Black

White

4.36

4.02

2.48

2.32

Assists Per Game

Black

White

2.59

2.12

2.00

1.90

Points Per Game*

Black

White

10.75

8.99

4.92

5.00

*Statistically significant difference between means at the .05 level

TABLE 2. Logistic Regression Coefficients
Variable	Beta	Standard Error
Constant	-6.961	4.188
Race	.616	.541
Rookie Card	3.436*	.649
Center	-1.349	.765
Number of Games Played	.003*	.001
Field Goal Percentage	-7.629	7.147
Three-Point Field Goal Percentage	2.164	2.380
Free Throw Percentage	.947	3.621
Rebounds Per Game	.432*	.129
Assists Per Game	.278*	.111
Points Per Game	.228*	.064
-2 Log Likelihood	194.781
*p < .01

TABLE 3. Means for Performance Variables by Race for Average Players (N=213)

Means

Standard Deviation

Number of Games Played

Black

White

629.59

570.82

316.15

306.85

Field Goal Percentage

Black

White

.462

.463

.042

.036

Three Point Percentage

Black

White

.224

.246

.115

.146

Free Throw Percentage

Black

White

.737

.738

.079

.096

Rebounds Per Game

Black

White

3.76

3.68

2.00

2.09

Assists Per Game*

Black

White

2.19

1.67

1.50

Points Per Game*

Black

White

9.10

7.37

3.89

4.16

*Statistically significant difference between means at the .05 level

U.S. Sports Academy2015-03-20T11:13:22-05:00January 7th, 2005|Contemporary Sports Issues, Sports Studies and Sports Psychology|Comments Off

The Implementation of Ethical and Social Standards in Youth High-Performance Sport on the Basis of Olympic Ideals

Submitted by: Kristina Bohnstedt & Norbert Müller

Introduction:

Ethical issues are coming to the fore in our society as a result of numerous problematic developments.

In addition to doping and profit orientation, child and teenage high-performance sport is a recurrent focus of discussions about ethical responsibility. The person’s responsible, particularly leading members of sports associations and sport scientists, must make their position clear and help parents to shed their fears.

In this connection, a specific ethic for trainers is increasingly being demanded. The German Sport Association responded to this demand in 1997 by publishing the “Code of Conduct for Trainers”.

As early as 1984, the sport educationalist MEINBERG (Cologne) formulated ethical principles for child and teenage high-performance sport, which have lost nothing of their importance. In fact, they are more important than ever in 2004, as a result of professionalization and media attention.

According to MEINBERG, an optimum approach to training children and teenagers in high-performance sport depends on the following ethical principles:

using another person as an end in themselves rather than a means to an end,
the principle of respect,
the principle of equality,
the principle of solidarity,
the principle of fairness,
the principle of suitability for children/teenagers,
the principle of reasonableness,
the principle of helping,
the principle of trust,
the principle of participation,
the principle of responsibility,
the principle of achievement – making no fetish of achievement,
a body ethic suitable for children/teenagers – not exploiting the body.

Aim of survey and methods

The paper investigates whether child and teenage high-performance athletes think that their trainers observe MEINBERG’s 13 ethical principles for a humane high-performance sport. The young high-performance athletes were asked to evaluate the implementation of ethical standards during daily training situations.

Research data were collected through a survey using a standardized questionnaire, which was filled in under supervision. The interviewees, aged between 14 and 19, attend sport-orientated schools in the German cities of Berlin, Erfurt, Kaiserslautern and Koblenz, and the House of Athletes at the Olympic Centre in Frankfurt/Main.

Results and interpretation

The sample survey

Altogether 181 young high-performance athletes participated in the survey, 80 of them female (44.2%) and 101 male (55.8%). 15.5% of the athletes belong to sports with a young high-performance age (e.g. gymnastics, figure skating, swimming), 30.9% to team sports (volleyball, handball, basketball, football) and 53.6% to various other sports (athletics, cycling, table tennis, rowing etc.).

Training in their main sport starts at the average age of 8.7, and 11.2 years is the average age for the start of high-performance training (daily training, regular competitions and training camps). The young athletes train at different training centers. Approximately 40% train at two centers. About half of the athletes are members of training groups at their sports club, at the Olympic training center and at their sport-orientated school. Thus, 52% of the athletes work with at least two different trainers, and 20.7% even with three. 27.6% of the athletes live in a full-time-boarding school, 11% attend a part-time-boarding school, and 61.3% live with their families. Irrespective of their living arrangements, 90.1% of the young athletes say that they have become more independent through high-performance training.

Before the survey, 65.0% of the athletes had already discussed practice-oriented ethical questions at school.

Given the age of the interviewees, it can be assumed that under normal circumstances they possess a sufficient capacity for ethical judgement. This would not be the case with children, but teenagers can be considered mature enough. Their involvement with high-performance sport may in the course of time affect their evaluation of trainer behavior and of their own situation.

The teenagers’ answers show, however, that they are able to critically judge both their own situation and the behavior of their trainers. The fact that the majority of interviewees pursue sports with a late high-performance age positively affects the starting age for high-performance training.

Olympic values in youth high-performance sport

The analysis focusses on the attitudes of young high-performance athletes. The questionnaire was intended to show whether the teenagers’ values, including their evaluation of trainer behavior, had already been influenced by their involvement with high-performance sport and the concomitant concentration on achievement. In addition, the teenagers’ general value systems were to be compared with the values conveyed by their trainers, and the values perceived in competitions.
The majority of interviewees above all want their main sport to teach them achievement-oriented values. At the top of the hierarchy of desirable values are

– ambition (93.4%),
– competitiveness (90.1%) and
– assertiveness (75.7%).

While fairness (68.5%),
– independence (65.7%),
– friendship (64.6%),
– health (47%) and
– willingness to take risks (44.2%) still play a fairly important role for the young athletes, they consider values like

– happiness (35.9%),
– honesty (27.6%),
– justice (27.1%) and
– equal opportunities (22.7%) to be less important.

It can be seen from the athletes’ answers that trainers tend to teach the achievement-oriented values much more frequently than the others.

An examination of correlations shows that – except for the values of ambition and justice – there is a statistically significant correlation between the athletes’ desire to learn these values through their main sport, and the frequency with which these values are taught by the trainer.

The assessment of values in competitions reveals an even stronger emphasis on achievement-oriented values. Thus, 98.8% of the athletes hold competitiveness and 95% hold ambition to be very important in competitions, while values such as justice and friendship play a secondary role

Since the young high-performance athletes prioritize achievement-oriented values, which they expect their main sport to teach them, and which they consider even more important in competitions, we must conclude that trainer behavior may likewise be assessed on the basis of the principle of achievement. This tendency seems to be further strengthened by the fact that the athletes consider those values to be particularly important which are taught most often by their trainers. Accordingly, in their moral assessment of trainer behavior, the athletes may be following the ethical standards of their trainers. The close connection between the values of trainers and athletes casts some doubt on the young high-performance athletes’ ability to judge their trainers’ behavior objectively and critically. However, it is not clear whether the values held by the athletes are shaped by the trainers or by parents or other factors such as personality. The data suggest that the interviewees judge the behavior of their trainers as well as their own situation from an achievement-oriented perspective.

The implementation of MEINBERG’s ethical principles using the example of trainer behavior

Questions concerning trainer behavior were intended to show whether, in dealing with the young athletes, the main trainer (i.e. the trainer with whom the athlete works most of the time) follows MEINBERG’s 13 ethical principles in order to ensure a humane high-performance sport. At the same time, the analysis examined possible connections between the implementation of these principles and factors such as the athletes’ gender, their particular school, their age or their main sport.

The most important results of the survey are shown in the following table:

Using another person as an end in themselves rather than a means to an end	My TRAINER wants me to win so that I can enjoy success.	61.3 %
My TRAINER accepts that my body cannot always achieve perfect results.	53.0 %
The principle of respect	My TRAINER is very often ready to listen to my wishes and fears.	52.5 %
My TRAINER always respects my opinion.	48.1 %
My TRAINER is sometimes ready to listen to my wishes and fears.	42.5 %
The principle of equality	My TRAINER sometimes asks me what I think.	54.7 %
My TRAINER listens to my criticism and responds to it.	53.3 %
My TRAINER very often asks me what I think.	30.9 %
The principle of solidarity	My TRAINER only reproaches me when there is a good reason.	82.3 %
My TRAINER never reproaches me when I am not successful.	9.4 %
My TRAINER always reproaches me when I am not successful.	8.3 %
My TRAINER critically examines both his/her own work and mine when I am not successful.	79.0 %
My TRAINER lays the entire blame on me when I am not successful.	14.9 %
My TRAINER also blames himself/herself when I am not successful.	6.1 %
The principle of fairness	My TRAINER is equally happy for all when they do well.	81.8 %
My TRAINER supports us all equally.	68.0 %
The principle of suitability for children/teenagers	My TRAINER knows how old I am and treats me accordingly.	84.0 %
My TRAINER involves me in more decisions as I grow older.	54.1 %
The principle of reasonableness	I never feel afraid during training.	76.8 %
I sometimes feel overtaxed during training.	68.0 %
The principle of helping	My TRAINER immediately tries to help me when I say I have a problem.	82.2 %
My TRAINER always listens to me when I have a problem.	66.7 %
The principle of trust	I very often trust my TRAINER.	70.7 %
My TRAINER makes all decisions together with me.	65.7 %
I sometimes discuss personal problems with my TRAINER.	50.8 %
I sometimes have a say in which competitions I enter.	40.3 %
The principle of responsibility	My TRAINER sometimes talks with my parents.	60.8 %
I take part in both team and individual competitions.	59.6 %
My TRAINER sometimes organizes activities outside training for us.	58.6 %
My TRAINER reduces the training load when there are many exams and I have problems at school.	54.1 %
My TRAINER sometimes helps me to make plans for school and for my career.	47.0 %
My TRAINER never helps me to make plans for school and for my career.	44.2 %
My TRAINER sometimes talks to my teachers in order to coordinate the demands of school and training.	41.7 %
My TRAINER never talks to my teachers in order to coordinate the demands of school and training.	38.3 %
My TRAINER never reduces the training load.	29.8 %
The principle of achievement – making no fetish of achievement	My main TRAINER is happy in competitions when I do well.	94.5 %
Our training is achievement-oriented and fun-oriented.	59.7 %
Our training is purely achievement-oriented.	40.3 %
A body ethic suitable for children/teenagers – not exploiting the body	When I am physically exhausted in training, I still have to carry on until the end of the training session.	44.2 %
When I am physically exhausted in training, I am allowed a short break during training.	43.6 %

In general, while the majority of trainers are largely guided by MEINBERG’s ethical principles in their work with the young high-performance athletes, a critical examination of individual principles also reveals some transgressions. The athletes noted incidences of behavior on the part of trainers which fall short of their ethical expectations and have to be considered problematic or irresponsible.

Correlations between the kind of sport and the degree of conformity with individual principles are rare. Sport-specific differences only occur with the implementation of the principle of equality, the principle of suitability for children/teenagers, the principle of participation and a body ethic suitable for children/teenagers.

As far as these principles are concerned, ethical boundaries are transgressed most frequently by trainers in team games. But a disregard of ethical principles by trainers working with young high-performance athletes can be found in all kinds of sport. This indicates that adherence to ethical principles depends on the individual personality of the trainer rather than on other factors.

More detailed results could be obtained by examining the implementation of these ethical principles in all kinds of youth high-performance sport on an even broader basis.

Conclusion

It has become clear that MEINBERG’s principles, while very theoretical and general, have a practical application and can be used for critically examining the behavior of trainers in different kinds of sport.

The teenagers’ assessment of their own situation and of individual problems shows that MEINBERG’s demands are realistic. The athletes most frequently criticize the disregard for individual principles on the part of trainers and coaching assistants.

The Olympic Movement must become more aware of its responsibility for the ethical and social conditions under which young athletes live and train. Surveys like the present one should therefore be conducted on a large international scale.

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OERTER, R.: Hochleistungssport unter entwicklungspsychologischer Perspektive. In: Leistungssport 12 (1982) 1, 6-12.
OTT, K.: Ethische Ansätze. In: GRUPE, O./MIETH, D. (eds.): Lexikon der Ethik im Sport. Schorndorf 1998, 131-142.
PATSANTARAS, N.: Trainer(in)/Training/Trainerethos. In: GRUPE, O./MIETH, D. (eds.): Lexikon der Ethik im Sport. Schorndorf 1998, 566-569.
RICHARTZ, A.: Jugendliche Leistungssportler im Internat – typische Beziehungsmuster und ihre pädagogische Bedeutung. In: Leistungssport 28 (1998) 1, 12-17.
ROSE, L.: Das Drama des begabten Mädchens. Lebensgeschichten junger Kunstturnerinnen. Weinheim – Munich 1991.
WEBER, M.: Politik als Beruf. In: WINKELMANN, J. (ed.): Gesammelte politische Schriften. Tübingen 1971, 505-560.
WEISCHENBERG, K.: Kindheit im modernen Kinderhochleistungssport. Untersuchungen zur alltäglichen Lebensumwelt von C- und D- Kader Athletinnen im Kunstturnen auf der Grundlage eines konkreten Kindheitsverständnisses. Frankfurt am Main – Berlin – Bern – New York – Paris – Vienna 1996.

U.S. Sports Academy2015-03-20T11:05:34-05:00January 6th, 2005|Contemporary Sports Issues, Sports Coaching, Sports Management, Sports Studies and Sports Psychology|Comments Off

High-Visibility Athletic Programs and the Prestige of Public Universities

Submitted by: Michael J. Lovaglia & Jeffrey W. Lucas

Introduction:

Why are athletic programs such a prominent part of higher education in the United States? Lately, educators have been questioning the value of a connection between high-visibility athletic programs and the academic mission of higher education (Sperber 2003). Do high-visibility athletic programs add value to a university education?

We conducted a study to test the idea that high-visibility athletic programs at major public universities can increase the prestige of their academic programs. That is, a high-visibility athletic program may increase the value of a university’s degree, increasing the prestige of its graduates in general. If so, then increased university prestige may provide an explanation for the growth of university athletic programs and their prominent role in higher education.

As the budgets for high-visibility athletic programs at major universities grow ever larger, common explanations for the increase have not been supported by empirical evidence. The competition among university athletic programs has been likened to an “arms race” as major universities strive to avoid being left behind. Why universities continue to increase their athletic budgets, however, has been difficult to explain. Research fails to support the common assumption that the substantial revenue from ticket sales, TV contracts, and apparel endorsements brought in by high-visibility athletic programs helps to support their universities. Nor has it been demonstrated that bigger athletic budgets increase alumni donations.

The NCAA commissioned a study (Litan, Orszag and Orszag 2003) to investigate the effects of increasing budgets for university athletic programs. The study found little evidence for several common explanations for increasing athletic budgets. Rather than contribute revenue to general university operations, high visibility athletic programs are revenue neutral. That is, big-time university athletic programs cost their universities about as much money as they generate. Litan, Orzag and Orzag (2003) found that an additional dollar spent on a Division I-A football or basketball program produces about the same amount of increased revenue to the university. Moreover, winning programs are no more likely to contribute net revenue to the university than are losing programs (Sheehan 2000). In addition, Litan, Orzag and Orzag (2003) found no relationship between increased budgets and alumni contributions. Shulman and Bowen (2001, p. 257) examined in detail a wide variety of athletic programs at universities and colleges. They concluded, “Whatever the other benefits of athletic programs are, or are perceived to be, the pursuit of net revenues is very difficult to accept as a justification.”

Anecdotal evidence suggests that winning athletic programs increase the number and quality of student applicants to universities. This justification for the growth in athletic budgets has been labeled the “Flutie effect” after a dramatic increase in student applications at Boston College in the years immediately following quarterback Doug Flutie’s Heisman Trophy. The spike in student applications was short-lived as applications returned to earlier levels along with the performance of the football team after Flutie’s graduation, further suggesting that the football team’s success was responsible for increased student applications. Further, increased student applications could affect academic quality by allowing universities selectively to admit better students. Thus, there could be a positive relationship between a university’s athletic success and its academic quality, at least theoretically. While Litan, Orzag and Orzag (2003) found no relationship between increased athletic expenditures and academic quality, considerable evidence supports the idea that athletic success increases student applications (Murphy and Trandel 1994, Zimbalist 1999).

We propose that students prefer universities with high-visibility athletic programs in part because they associate increased prestige with academic degrees from those schools. If so, then the prestige rank that students assign to value of academic degrees from major public universities will correspond to the visibility of the universities’ athletic programs.

PRESTIGE RANKING OF UNIVERSITIES

We asked undergraduate students in introductory classes at the University of Iowa to rank states based on the prestige of graduates from the states’ main public universities. Although to some extent a convenience sample, the wide variety of students who take introductory sociology are particularly appropriate for this study. Because they recently had to make a decision about which university to attend, it is likely that the relative prestige of various universities is more salient to them than to the average person. We do not expect that students are consciously aware of objective criteria for ranking state prestige. Rather, we created an indicator to assess the students’ general impressions of the prestige of various states with particular reference to contributions of their public university graduates to society:

“Please think about the main state university in each state. Then rank each state based on how important you feel its main state university is and how valuable the graduates of those universities are to the success of U.S. society.”

Students then examined a column of 19 states presented in alphabetical order. States were chosen to provide a range of universities from various regions and with athletic programs of varying visibility:

Alabama, Arizona, California, Connecticut, Florida, Indiana, Kentucky, Louisiana, Missouri, Nebraska, Nevada, New Jersey, New York, North Dakota, Ohio, Oklahoma, Oregon, Pennsylvania, South Carolina

Athletics was not mentioned during the study. Rather, the study was presented as an investigation of how effectively states support higher education.

A total of 479 students ranked each state from 1 to 19 with 1 indicating the most valuable graduates and 19 the least valuable graduates. We calculated mean student rankings for each state and then used those means as one variable in a data set where each state represented one case.

RATING ATHLETIC PROGRAM VISIBILITY

Two coders familiar with university athletics rated the visibility of the athletic programs of the major university in each state on the list. The coders’ independent ratings were based on the following instructions:

Consider the main public university in each state. If a state has more than one major public university, pick the university with the most prominent athletic program. Then indicate the national visibility of that university’s athletic program using the following codes.

Rate the state university athletic program:

1 if it has a major football or basketball program familiar to most adults in the United States.
2 if it has a football or basketball program familiar to intercollegiate sports fans but not more generally.
3 if it has minimal visibility football and basketball programs.

The two coders’ ratings corresponded exactly for 14 of the 19 states. Ratings were averaged for the remaining 5 states.

OTHER STATE FACTORS THAT MIGHT AFFECT PRESTIGE

A number of state characteristics might influence the prestige of public university graduates. We gathered data from a U.S. Census Bureau website,
http://quickfacts.census.gov/qfd/states/, for the following variables:

State Population Size (natural log): States with larger populations may seem more important and have more resources to devote to higher education, potentially leading to higher university prestige.
State Per Capita Annual Income (in thousands of dollars): States with wealthier residents may seem more important and prestigious.
Mean Higher Education Level (% of state residents over age 25 with at least a bachelor’s degree): Higher education may seem more prestigious in states with more highly educated citizens.

We also included variables to control for geographical region and the order in which states were presented to participants.

PREDICTION

We predicted a positive relationship between the visibility of a state university’s athletic program and the prestige of that state university’s graduates. If high visibility athletic programs at public universities increase a state’s prestige, then the graduates of those universities should be highly ranked in terms of their importance to society.

RESULTS

Table 1 lists means and standard deviations for the variables used in the multivariate analysis.

Table 1

<th”>Variable <th”>Mean <th”>SD

Variables Used to Analyze State Prestige Rank, N = 19.
State Prestige Rank	8.63	3.99
Log State Population	15.49	.92
Income Per Capita ($1000’s)	20.79	3.14
% Highly Educated	22.63	3.93
Region Northeast (4 states) Midwest (4 states) West (5 states) South (6 states)	2.68	1.16
Athletic Program Visibility Highly visible (9 states) Somewhat Visible (6 states) Little Visibility (4 states)	1.63	.72
Order Presented First 6 states Middle 7 states Last 6 states	2.00	.82

Table 2 presents the results of regression analysis with State Prestige Rank as the dependent variable.

Table 2

<th”>Variable <th”>B <th”>SE <th”>p

Regression Coefficients Predicting State Prestige Rank, N = 19.
Order Presented	-3.30	.86	.002
Log State Population	-2.22	.68	.007
Income Per Capita ($1000)	– .30	.38	.455
% Highly Educated	– .40	.25	.138
Region	– .64	.70	.378
Athletic Program Visibility	2.54	.91	.016

R2 = .788
Adjusted R2 = .682

R2 was relatively high for an analysis of this type indicating that the predictor variables explain most of the variation in State Prestige Rank. A high R2 increases confidence that a missing variable is not a better predictor of State Prestige Rank than those included in the analysis.

Two of the control variables, Order Presented and Log State Population, had p-values that suggest a significant relationship with prestige. The order in which states appeared on the form presented to participants had a negative relationship with State Prestige Rank (B = -3.30). Log State Population also had a significant negative coefficient (B = -2.22) indicating that states with larger populations were ranked higher in prestige than those with smaller populations.

In support of the study’s main prediction, the coefficient for Athletic Program Visibility (B = 2.54) is positive and significant (p = .016) indicating that states with highly visible university athletic programs were rated as having university graduates who made more important contributions to society.

DISCUSSION

The results of our study supported the prediction that a high-visibility athletic program can enhance the prestige of a university’s graduates. The result is potentially important because it connects the visibility of university athletic programs to the prestige of their academic programs, a connection that has been seen as tenuous at best (Bowen and Levin 2003).

The study has limitations that should be noted. First, the prestige rankings for public universities are restricted to a sample of students at the University of Iowa. While the prestige of universities may be particularly salient to them, data from students at different universities as well as from non-students would improve confidence in the results. Second, the ranking exercise turned out to be cognitively challenging. The effect of presentation order suggests that more research is needed to determine how students went about the task. Third, several variables have too few categories to be considered properly continuous. The results, however, hold up well using alternative categorical analyses and non-parametric statistics sensitive to ranked data (available from the authors).

Why do high-visibility athletic programs enhance academic prestige? The idea seems counterintuitive. Certainly some the highest prestige universities in the United States, Harvard, Yale, and University of Chicago for example, do not emphasize their athletic programs. But it may not be the case that these high prestige institutions gain prestige from their neglect of high-visibility athletics. Rather, they may have had a historical prestige advantage that allowed them to opt out of the athletic arms race. Perhaps because of their position as elite academic institutions, they can afford not to compete athletically.

REFERENCES

Bowen, W.G. and S. A. Levin. 2003. Reclaiming the Game: College Sports and Educational Values. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
Litan, R. E., J. M. Orszag and P. R. Orszag (2003). The Empirical Effects of Collegiate Athletics: An Interim Report. National Collegiate Athletic Association.
Murphy, R. G., G. T. Trandel (1994). “The relation between a university’s football record and the size of its applicant pool.” Economics of Education Review, 13, 383-387.
Shulman, J. L. and W. G. Bowen (2001). The Game of Life: College Sports and Educational Values. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
Sperber, M. 2000. Beer and Circus: How Big-Time College Sports Is Crippling Undergraduate Education. New York: Henry Holt.
Zimbalist, A. (1999). Unpaid Professionals: Commercialism and Conflict in Big-Time College Sports. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.

U.S. Sports Academy2016-11-15T07:42:48-06:00January 5th, 2005|Contemporary Sports Issues, Sports Management, Sports Studies and Sports Psychology|Comments Off

A Composite Softball Bat Revolution: Why the Pitcher has Little Time to React to a Batted-Ball

Submitted by: Mark McDowell, Ph. D., Michael V. Ciocco, Ph.D. & Bryan Morreale

Abstract

In the past few years, there has been a composite bat construction revolution in the softball bat industry. While composite material bats have enabled softball bat performance to increase much to the delight of hitters, they can pose a significant safety risk to defensive players and especially the pitcher. A controlled experiment using two composite softball and two wooden softball bat models has been conducted in order to present experimental data on the field performance of various bat/ball combinations. Three types of softballs were used in this study; low-compression, cork-centered softballs, mid-compression polyurethane softballs and high-compression polyurethane softballs ranging from 1134 to 2389 N/0.64 cm (255 to 537 lbs/0.25 in) compression. Three experienced softball players were chosen as test subjects for this study. Initial batted-ball velocities ranged from 126.2 to 164.3 km/h (78.4 to 102.1 mph), corresponding to an available pitcher reaction time ranging from 0.456 to 0.350 seconds. The goal of this study is to present the potential safety and injury risks associated with using composite softball bats in the sport of softball.

Introduction

Over the past few years, the sport of softball has undergone a revolution in bat construction. When the sport was originated, wood was the major construction material of softball bats. In the 1980s, softball bats constructed from aluminum-based materials were introduced followed by titanium-based bats in the mid-1990s. However, the excessive batted-ball velocities (BBV) resulting from the use of titanium-based bats led to them being declared illegal and unsafe by all of the major governing bodies of softball due to their increased injury potential. From the late 1990s to the present, bats constructed of composite materials are the most commonly used bats and have been responsible for countless injures and even fatalities in the sport (Dawson, R., 2003). Composite softball bats are currently being used at all levels of softball from fast pitch softball in the Olympics, collegiate and high school levels to the recreational weekday slow-pitch softball league. Although there are over 19 million softball players in the U.S. (Ramsey J. and Smith G., 2003), there is no national database on injuries and fatalities in the sport and this complicates the issue of establishing a national safety standard for the sport of softball.

The authors have conducted a batted-ball field test study using three different compression ranges of softballs in order to show the potential risks involved when using wood and composite softball bats by measuring the BBV for each of the bat/ball combinations and using these speeds to calculate the time a pitcher has to react to a batted-ball, which the authors call available pitcher reaction time (APRT).

Method

A field study to analyze composite and wood softball bat performance using three different softball compression values was conducted. Three experienced softball players with an average height of 1.85 m (6 ft, 1 in) and weight of 99.8 kg (220 lbs) were chosen as subjects for this study and were required to record over twenty-five BBV measurements with each bat-ball combination over five test rounds. In each round, at least five recorded hits out of a maximum of seven from each tester was recorded in order to minimize fatigue. In addition, there was a mandatory minimum five-minute rest period between each round. In order to be considered a valid test, the standard deviation of the top five (20%) BBV readings from each bat-ball combination had to be within 3.9 km/h (2.4 mph) based on a statistical margin of error at the 95% confidence level.

Softballs

All softballs were compression-tested according to the ASTM standard for ball testing (ASTM F 1888-02, 2002). Ball compression is defined as the amount of force necessary to compress a softball 0.64 cm (0.25 in) and is measured in N/0.64 cm (lbs/0.25 in). Three different softball models with compression values ranging from 1134 to 2389 N/0.64 cm (255 to 537lbs/0.25 in) were chosen for this study (sixty balls per model). All softballs were purchased from retail sporting goods stores and are listed in Table 1.

Softball Bats

The composite bats chosen for the study were an 850 g (30 oz) EastonÒ Synergy+ and a 794 g (28 oz) MikenÒ Freak model. The wooden bats chosen were an 850 g (30 oz) TPSÒ and an 850 g (30 oz) BWPÒ Maple model. These bats were selected due to their popularity amongst recreational softball players and were purchased from retail sporting goods stores.

Batted-ball velocity measurements

A Jugs® professional radar gun having an accuracy to within 0.8 km/h (0.5 mph) was used to measure BBV. Before each round, the Jugs® radar gun was calibrated using a certified 98.2 km/h (61 mph) K-band tuning fork. Readings were taken approximately halfway between the batter’s impact point and the pitcher’s mound.

Pitching

A Jugs® Professional softball pitching machine capable of accurately and reliably pitching a softball in the 26 to 40 km/h (16 to 25 mph) range through the hitting zone was used. This range was used in order to simulate the actual pitch speeds that occur in a slow-pitch softball game.

Available Pitcher Reaction Time: Using the fact the pitcher’s mound in slow-pitch softball is 15.24 m (50 ft) away from home-plate; the available pitcher reaction time (APRT) for a particular bat-ball combination can be calculated once the BBV is recorded. The APRT is a safety metric that can be used to determine if a bat-ball combination is considered safe or unsafe. As a general rule, the higher the BBV’s, the lower the APRT’s, and thus, the higher the risk of injury.

Results

The initial BBV and APRT data is listed in Tables 2 through Table 6. The initial BBV using cork-centered, mid- and high-compression softballs using the wooden softball bats ranged from 126.0 to 136.8 km/h (78.3 to 85.0 mph), which translates into an available pitcher reaction time ranging from 0.456 to 0.421 seconds. The initial BBV using cork-centered, mid- and high-compression softballs using the composite softball bats ranged from 143.5 to 164.3 km/h (89.2 to 102.1 mph), which translates into an available pitcher reaction time ranging from 0.401 to 0.350 seconds. It should be noted that at the time of this study, the two largest softball associations, the United States Specialty Sports Association (USSSA) and the Amateur Softball Association (ASA) of America mandated that any bat achieving an initial BBV of 137.2 km/h (85.2 mph), which translates into an APRT of 0.420 seconds (USSSA, 2003), (ASA, 2003) is considered unsafe. Based on our data, the composite bats would be considered unsafe for all balls tested while the wooden softball bats would be considered safe for all balls tested.

Discussion and Implications

The main finding of this study is that unsafe batted-ball velocities were achieved using composite softballs bats. The initial BBV of the composite bats were as much as 27.2 km/h (16.9 mph) higher than the softball association’s goal of 137.2 km/h (85.2 mph), which translates into an available pitcher reaction time of 0.420 seconds. However, very little research has been done with respect to quantifying how much time a pitcher, or any player for that matter, needs to safely defend themselves from a batted ball. To date, there have been three published studies in the sport of baseball using ball exit speeds and APRT.

A recent study [Nicholls, et al., 2003] investigated player safety concerning ball exit speed for the sport of baseball and concluded that the maximum safe initial batted-ball velocity that a pitcher can react to is approximately 148 km/h (92 mph), which translates into an APRT of 0.425 seconds. They also concluded that a “certified” metal bat swung by an experienced hitter may produce ball exit velocities exceeding that demonstrated by a robotic hitting machine, which is currently used for establishing safe batted-ball velocities. A second study [Owings, et al., 2003] was conducted investigating the available pitcher reaction time as a consideration in design constraints for baseballs and baseball bats for various age groups. They found that for the 16-year age group, a minimum reaction time of 0.409sec. is necessary to reduce the potential for serious or catastrophic injury. A third study conducted by the NCAA tested a variety of bats on a specially designed batting machine located at the University of Massachusetts in Lowell, [Mississippi State University, 2002]. The recommendation from this study was to drop the exit speed to no more than 149.7 km/h (93 mph) in collegiate baseball, which translates into an APRT of 0.420 seconds.

Two recent studies [Hultsch, et al., 2002] and [Luchies, et al., 2002] address the differences in reaction time between younger and older adults and conclude that reaction time is considerably reduced or varied as a person gets older. Using this research on reaction time and the results of Nicholls and Owings, it can be theorized that when composite bats are in use and a ball is hit directly back at the pitcher or infielder, this can pose a significant risk for injury to older adults which comprise the majority of the millions of recreational softball players.

The results from the composite bat data show that none of the average pitcher response times are slower than the published results for the sport of baseball. In fact the worst case, composite/high-compression ball/BT3, has an APRT of 0.357 sec., which is over 18% lower than the suggested value of 0.425 sec.

For the wooden bat, for all the balls, the APRTs are very close to or better than those suggested by published baseball studies. The lowest APRT is 0.421 sec. and the highest is 0.457 sec. When compared to the wooden softball bats, the composite bats outperform them by as much as 30% which should at least lead to a meaningful discussion on the safety of the sport.

The implications of this study are that the use of composite softball bats is creating an unnecessary safety risk for players and that many players, coaches, league directors and parents are probably not aware of the risk associated with the use of composite softball bats.

Conclusions

A controlled field-test study analyzing the performance of composite and wooden softball bats along with using low-, mid- and high-compression softballs was conducted in order to analyze the various bat/ball combinations. Batted-ball velocity was measured and available pitcher response time calculated and compared to recommended safety limits imposed on the sport as well as published baseball safety studies. The results from this study concluded that using composite softball bats, batted-ball velocities exceeded the recommended safety limits by as much as 27.2 km/h (16.9 mph) or 0.070 seconds. It can be concluded that regardless of the ball used, composite bats may pose an increased safety risk to defensive players, especially the pitcher, in the path of a batted-ball hit.

References

Amateur Softball Association of America (2003). ASA Bat Testing Procedure (ASA 2000). URL: http://www.softball.org
ASTM F 1888-02 (2002). Standard Test Method for Compression-Displacement of baseballs and Softballs. ASTM International.
Dawson, R. (2003). Blinding Speed. WISH TV-8, Indianapolis.
URL:http://www.wishtv.com/Global/story.asp?s=%20%201274912.
Hultsch, D. F., S. W. MacDonald and R. A. Dixon. 2002. Variability in reaction time performance of younger and older adults. The Journals of Gerontology, Series B 57(2): 101.
Luchies, C. W., J. Schiffman, L. G. Richards, M. R. Thompson, D. Bazuin, and A. J. DeYoung. 2002. Effects of age, step direction, and reaction condition on the ability to step quickly. The Journals of Gerontology, Series A 57(4): M246.
Mississippi State University (2002). Study helps give pitchers more time to react. University Relations News Bureau. URL: http://msuinfo.ur.msstate.edu/msu_memo/1999/02-08-99/bats.htm
Nicholls, R.L., Elliot, B.C., Miller, K. and Koh, M. (2003). Bat Kinematics in Baseball: Implications for Ball Exit Velocity and Player Safety. Journal of Applied Biomechanics, 19, 283-294.
Owings, T. M., Lancianese, S. L., Lampe, E. M., and Grabiner, M. D. Influence of Ball Velocity, Attention, and Age on Response Time for a Simulated Catch. Med. Sci. Sports Exerc., 2003, Vol. 35, No. 8, pp. 1397-1405.
Ramsey J. and Smith G. (2003). Serious Slow-pitch Softball. Florida: Softball Magazine
United States Specialty Sports Association (2003). Bat Performance Factor Test. URL: http://www.usssa.com

U.S. Sports Academy2015-03-20T10:57:27-05:00January 4th, 2005|Contemporary Sports Issues, Sports Management|Comments Off

Mass Media and Gender Identity in High Performance Canadian Figure Skating

Submitted by: Karen McGarry

Introduction

This paper is based upon qualitative, anthropological fieldwork conducted between 2000 and 2002 among Canadian journalists, high performance (ie. National, World, and Olympic level) figure skaters, coaches, sponsors, and others involved in the production of mediated representations of figure skating for mainstream Canadian television networks and other print media. With the permission of various organizations, I conducted participant observation and fieldwork in skating arenas and in the media centers of major competitions to understand the role of figure skating in shaping a sense of Canadian national identity. As standard practice in anthropology, the names of those interviewed are withheld to protect their anonymity. The goal of this paper is to highlight the role of the media in promoting particular gendered images of figure skaters for public consumption, thereby drawing attention to two issues: 1) the socially constructed nature of various representations of men and women in the sport, and; 2) the ways in which particular gendered images of sports figures are promoted in the interests of nationalism.

Figure Skating the Media, and Canadian Culture

Figure skating is viewed by many Canadians as an integral part of Canadian culture. Records of ice skating date back to at least the 1700s, and figure skating, along with hockey, receives prime-time television coverage on major Canadian television networks. Figure skating, in fact, is ranked second only to hockey in terms of television spectatorship, government funding, and corporate sponsorship (Skate Canada 2002). Its popularity among fans is heightened by the fact that since the 1940s, Canadians have won more than 500 international medals, making it one of the nation’s most competitively successful amateur sports. Skaters such as Elvis Stojko, Kurt Browning, Elizabeth Manley, Barbara Ann Scott, Toller Cranston, and Jamie Sale and David Pelletier, to name a few, have become household names and national icons in Canada.

Given figure skating’s high spectatorship levels, it is not surprising that Skate Canada, the sport’s amateur governing body, and CTV, Canada’s self-declared “official figure skating network” have opportunistically marketed figure skating as a distinctly “Canadian” sport and a sport of national significance:

Figure Skating is a sport of national significance to Canadians and is part of our heritage. Canadians have excelled in figure skating, achieving international success and celebrity status (Skate Canada Fact Sheet 2002).

It’s part of our Canadian heritage. That’s why CTV – ‘Canada’s Figure Skating Network’ – is committed to bringing you the best figure skating in the world. CTV has been partnered with the sport since 1961, and makes figure skating its core sports property (CTV website, July 16, 2001).

For Skate Canada and its top skaters, sponsorships are relatively easy to obtain (in comparison with other amateur sports). In fact, Skate Canada has become a primarily self-sustaining organization over the years, thanks mainly to lucrative sponsorship opportunities. While the organization continues to receive government funding, this represents a small portion (7%) of its annual operating budget (Skate Canada 2002). This means that the task of promoting a sense of national identity among Canadians has, in the case of figure skating, moved increasingly into the hands of non-state actors, and particularly the mass media and its sponsors and advertisers. Throughout my research, I learned that there exist powerful alliances of interest between skating sponsors and various Canadian media outlets, who have a vested economic interest in promoting various national representations that appeal to entertainment spectacles. These alliances, in turn, indirectly influence the gendered representations upheld for Canadian audiences. For example, at one event, I talked with a television sports network executive from a major media outlet. Very excited to be there, she had this to say about her company’s agreement with Skate Canada:

When they [Skate Canada] approached us, we were excited to be a part of it all. We were looking for the best sports ambassadors for Canada to support. What’s better than figure skating? They’re good, clean-cut kids. We’re proud too of our association with skating and our advertisers have really supported Elvis Stojko over the years.

Karen: What was it about Elvis that makes him appealing?

Executive: He’s successful and a champion. And he’s such a strong, masculine presence. And he’s a great public figure for the sport and for the country. People just love him. I remember when a commentator at the X network said something bad about one of his skates a few years back and people were upset. So were we. And we made that quite clear. There’s no reason to be bad-mouthing such great skaters on live broadcasts.

In this example, we see how the media and their sponsors can influence various representations on ice, and the alliances of interest at stake. Top skaters recognize the importance of their sport to the country, and they rarely doubt that their image will not be promoted favorably. Their bodies have become commodified to the point where, as one skater confidently told me, “I’m not trying to be arrogant here, but they [the network] would have my people [his sponsors] down their throats if I got criticized. I’m worth a lot to them.” In many ways then, figure skating represents an opportunity for understanding how the Canadian media and television, in conjunction with advertisers, influence the production of gendered, commodified identities on ice, and in doing so, produce highly specific gendered bodily representations of the nation.

Gender and Figure Skating

The gendered categories of “masculinity” and “femininity” are socially constructed concepts and societal ideals about an appropriate masculine or feminine behavior vary spatially, from culture to culture, and temporally, depending upon various socio-historical circumstances (eg. Butler 1990). In other words, what is considered “socially appropriate” behavior for a female or male (today) is not the same as a century ago. Given the lucrative sponsorship potential of the sport, it is not surprising that the Canadian mainstream media and its sponsors and advertisers have sought to endorse “clean cut” mainstream, heterosexual images of masculinity and femininity for public consumption.

While figure skating is rumored to have the highest proportion of homosexual men of any amateur competitive sport (Pronger 1999), it is ironically a sport in which men must exhibit the most blatantly heterosexual signs to be successful and to receive commercial endorsements. Since the late 1980s, Skate Canada, the media, and its sponsors have made a concerted effort to de-emphasize figure skating’s balletic heritage, a tradition strengthened in the 1970s by skaters such as Canadian Olympian Toller Cranston, an openly homosexual competitor who introduced flamboyant costumes, thai cosmetics, ballet, and choreography into men’s skating. Male homosexuality, it seems, is considered a financial liability to the sport. In 1998, for example, the two-time Olympic silver medalist, Brian Orser, was “outed” in the media during a palimony lawsuit. Orser was devastated by the media exposure and claimed that such allegations of homosexuality would threaten his economic livelihood. Similarly, at the 2001 World Championships in Vancouver when a well-known male Canadian skater was contacted by a gay magazine about the possibility of doing a feature story on him, he was told by Skate Canada that he must decline the request. As one coach said to me, “that is not the sort of picture that Skate Canada wants to paint for the country, especially in an international forum.” Every effort is made to construct such skaters as heterosexual.

The heterosexual masculine images of World Champion skaters like Kurt Browning and Elvis Stojko were endorsed enthusiastically in the media throughout the 1990s, a point also noted by Adams (1997). Usually skating to rock and roll music, or adopting the traditionally masculine personas of characters like ninjas, Scottish warriors, or karate experts, Stojko was constructed in the media as “Canada’s Terminator.” At one competition I attended, I watched Stojko warm up backstage with balletic exercises, but the camera technician, who was instructed to film Stojko’s pre-competitive routine, waited until he decided to jog to film him. As he said to me, “Elvis is such a macho guy; we want to show that side of him.” By emphasizing male skaters’ athletic abilities in media portrayals, links are made between the supposed “strength” of the male figure skating body, and the “strength” of the nation. As one sponsor said to me, “we want to promote strong images of our male skaters to show the Americans and other nations that we are an important force to contend with.” The bottom line is that images of male heterosexuality sell to a broader, and hence more lucrative, spectator demographic.

Similar sorts of gender expectations and pressures exist for Canada’s female skaters. Women are expected to emulate a soft, delicate femininity reminiscent of, as one coach told me, “an Audrey Hepburn or Grace Kelly era.” The competitive future of female skaters who fail to project such images may, in some cases, be threatened. One female skater I spoke with, for example, told me that, subsequent to a competition, she was informed by a judge that her earring (she had three piercings in each ear), her nose ring, and her weight, were “unfeminine” and that she might fare better in the future should she comport herself “more accordingly and ladylike.” She also suggested that the skater should lose five pounds, as this would make her more attractive to the media.

Clearly then, the gendered images performed in figure skating are culturally constructed images, oftentimes produced in conjunction with the media. Some skaters I spoke with, for instance, informed me that they consult their agents and media organizations for input before deciding upon their annual costume and program themes.

Social Implications/Conclusion

The gendered images favored in figure skating are important to discuss here because they have a variety of negative consequences for the sport. First, the persistence of idealized representations of gender can lead to the onset of debilitating emotional and physical disabilities among skaters. For women in particular, figure skating is notorious for the existence of eating disorders and a variety of other physical and psychological ailments (eg. Davis 1997; Ryan 1995) as a result of the desire to achieve an “idealized femininity.” The narrow range of opportunities for gendered identities also hampers the individual creative talents and artistic abilities of skaters, coaches, and choreographers, many of whom feel limited in the range of options available. Also, it is somewhat surprising, in the supposedly tolerant, multicultural, and inclusive environment of a nation like Canada, that such a rigid and narrow definition of gendered identities is accepted and promoted (oftentimes unconsciously) for public consumption. Clearly, this is a growing concern within the sport due to the increasing power and hegemony of the mainstream media and its powerful position in shaping modern identities. As nation-states gradually begin to lose control over the production of national identities in increasingly globalized contexts, non-state entities like the mass media are taking over or supplanting the state’s role in nation-building. As this article has suggested, this has important connotations for the future of increasingly mediated sports like figure skating, where the bodies of skaters are heavily commodified and mainstream representations of national bodies dominate.

Bibliography

Adams, M. (1997). To be an Ordinary Hero: Male Figure Skaters and the Ideology of Gender. Avante 3(3):93-110.
Butler, J. (1990). Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion of Identity. New York: Routledge.
CTV (2001). CTV and Figure Skating. http: www.ctv.ca/sport, July 16, 2001.
Davis, C. (1997). Eating Disorders and Hyperactivity: A Psycho-biological Perspective. Canadian Journal of Psychiatry 42:168-175.
Pronger, B. (1999). The Arena of Masculinity: Sport, Homosexuality, and the Meaning of Sex. New York: St. Martin’s Press.
Ryan, J. (1995). Little Girls in Pretty Boxes: The Making and Breaking of Elite Gymnasts and Figure Skaters. New York: Doubleday.
Skate Canada (2002). Skate Canada Fact Sheet. Ottawa: Skate Canada.

U.S. Sports Academy2017-04-18T08:56:27-05:00January 3rd, 2005|Contemporary Sports Issues, Sports Management, Sports Studies and Sports Psychology, Women and Sports|Comments Off