The Study of Physiological Factors and Performance in Welterweight Taekwondo Athletes

Abstract

The purpose of this research was to investigate the variation in heart rate, oxygen consumption and blood lactic acid for taekwondo athletes during training and competition. Ten taekwondo athletes from a Division I university volunteered for the research. The average age of the subjects was 19.5±0.5 .4 yr, the height was 174.6±2.8 cm, the weight was 63.6±1.4 kg, the black belt rank was 2.5±0.5, and the average training period was 6.4±1.0 years. The competition was of university class. During the experiment, each subject rode the bicycle ergometer until complete exhaustion at a speed of 60 RPM and power of 120W that increased by 30W every two minutes. The investigation focused mainly on the variations during the rest period and the three recovery periods after exercise (5th, 30th and 60th minute). Wireless heart recorder (POLAR), Vmax29 gas analyzer, YSI2300 lactic acid analyzer and DAIICHI analyzer were used to analyze heart rate, oxygen consumption, blood lactic acid and urobilinogen. According to the statistical analysis on one-way ANOVA with Repeated Measures and a Scheffe Post Hoc test, the results showed that:

1.There was no difference at the cardiac respiratory functioning between training and competition period. The players can’t recovery quickly for sixty minutes.
2. There was a significant difference at the BLA on the competition period higher than training period (7.0±1.3 vs. 6.3±1.2 mmol/l, p<.05).
3.There was no difference at the URO between training and competition period in the post-exercise 60 minute and rest.4. There was a difference on the output power at training period higher than competition period (232.7±14.5 vs. 226.5±14.7 watt, p< .05).

To recover the rest state more time and improve intensive training in the blood lactic acid system and power output. It’s a benefit and helpful for the players and coaches to investigate the reference during the contest and sport science training.

I. Introduction

According to the theory of Periodization of Strength, gains in muscular strength (M*S) during the M*S phase should be transformed into either muscular endurance (M-E) or P during the conversion phase so athletes acquire the best possible sport-specific strength and are equipped with the physiological capabilities necessary for good performance during the competitive phase. To maintain good performance throughout the competitive phase, this physiological base must be maintained (Bompa, 1999). The determination of physiological variables such as the anaerobic threshold (AT) and maximal oxygen uptake (VO2max) through incremental exercise testing, and relevance of these variables to endurance performance, is a major requirement for coaches and athletes (Bentley, Mcnaughton, Thompson, & Batterhan, 2001).

According to the theory of Periodization of Strength, gains in muscular strength (M*S) during the M*S phase should be transformed into either muscular endurance (M-E) or P during the conversion phase so athletes acquire the best possible sport-specific strength and are equipped with the physiological capabilities necessary for good performance during the competitive phase. To maintain good performance throughout the competitive phase, this physiological base must be maintained (Bompa, 1999). The determination of physiological variables such as the anaerobic threshold (AT) and maximal oxygen uptake (VO2max) through incremental exercise testing, and relevance of these variables to endurance performance, is a major requirement for coaches and athletes (Bentley, Mcnaughton, Thompson, & Batterhan, 2001).

Heller, et al. (1998) pointed out that Taekwondo could not only improve human cardio respiratory endurance but also enhance practitioners’ martial arts spirit, and form good exercise and self-defense exercise. It also is classified as a high-strength anaerobic capacity exercise. Shin (1993) reported that excellent international Taekwondo athletes must have high speed and power for them to win the international games. The energy system of anaerobic power and anaerobic capacity mainly comes from ATP and Glycolsis system. Taekwondo practice had positive impact on the improvement of human cardio respiratory and physical ability (Pieter et al., 1990).

Heller et al (1998) found that the maximum oxygen consumption volume was 57.0 ml/kg/min in Spanish international Taekwondo athletes and 53.8 ml/kg/min in Czech international athletes. The maximum oxygen uptake in Taekwondo black-belt athletes is 44.0 ml/kg/min (Drobni et al., 1995). Bompa (1999) investigated boxing and martial arts, a quick and powerful start of an offensive skill prevents an opponent from using an effective action. The elastic, reactive component of muscle is of vital important for delivering quick action and powerful starts.

The purpose of this study is to investigate the change of heart rate, oxygen consumption, blood lactate, and urine urobilinogen in resting phase, and in post exercise recovering phase at 5 min, 30 min and 60 min after a total 10-week period including training and competition phases.

II. Study Methods and Procedures

Selection of the Subjects

Ten male TaekwonDo athletes were recruited as volunteer subjects in this study. The mean age, body height, weight, rank, and training experience of these subjects were 19.3±0.5 years, 174.6±2.8 cm, 63.6±1.4 kg, 2.5±0.5, and 6.4±1.0 years, respectively.

Time and Venue

The whole study was completed in the Sports Physiology Lab of Chinese Culture
University, Taiwan. The research of training phase was done from May 11 to 12, 2002. The research of peak phase was done from May 25 to 26, 2002.

Study Methods and Procedures

According to the training content completely controlled by the coach, the training duration is 10 weeks, once every morning for 1.5 hours and every afternoon for 2 hours. The research method was to arrange the subjects to pedal on a bicycle to exhaustion at cycling rate 60 RPM and initial workload 120 W with 30 W increase every 2 minutes. The post-exercise physical changes (heart rate, oxygen consumption, blood lactate, and urine urobilinogen value) were measured in baseline phase, training phase and competition phase, collecting 3 samples in each phase.

(1) Informed consent forms were obtained after the study procedures and potential effects were explained to the subjects, and were understood by the subjects. The status of subjects’ general health was also recorded.

(2) Subjects who were in a bad mood and not in good physical condition were not allowed to perform the test, and were scheduled to return at another time.

(3) 30 minutes before the experiment, the experimental equipment started to warm up, and experimental material was prepared. The subjects were arranged on a bicycle to start pedaling to exhaustion at cycling rate 60 RPM and initial workload 120 W with 30 W increase every 2 minutes. The physical changes (heart rate, oxygen uptake, blood lactate, urine urobilinogen value)were measured at 1. Resting phase 2. First minute of post exercise recovering phase 3. 5th minute of post exercise recovering phase 4. 30th minute of post exercise recovering phase 5. 60th minute of post exercise recovering phase.

(4) During the experiment, the research staff recorded the information obtained from the instruments. When the first experiment ended, the subject would be informed of the time of next experiment.

(5) Study Equipment and Instruments: The following items were utilized in this research:

  1. SENSOR MEDICS Vmax29 Gas Meter
  2. YSI2300 PLUS Lactate Analyzer
  3. DAIICHI 701 Analyzer
  4. 586 PIII computer and Laser printer
  5. (POLAR) Mobile heart rate recorder
  6. Stopwatch
  7. Hygrometer

Data Management

(1) All data collected from the study were analyzed using 3 statistical software programs: Microsoft Excel 8.0, SPSS/PC 10.0, and SPSS for Windows.

(2) Multiple variants were analyzed by ONE-WAY ANOVA and subsequent Scheffe’ way for post-hoc analysis.

(3) Significant difference was set at α=. 05.

III. Results and Discussion

1.Assessment of Cardio respiratory function

(1)The result of heart rate measurements. There were no statistically significant differences for heart rate between training and competition period(188.7±2.8 vs. 189..6±1.6 bpm , p>.05) (Table 3-1)(Figure3-1). The results showed no overstraining of the heart rate between training and competition period. Arja & Uustitalo(2001) reported overstraining syndrome as a serious problem marked by decreased performance, increased fatigue, persistent muscle soreness, mood disturbances, and feeling ‘burn out ‘ or stale.

Lin & Kuo (2000) found Tae-kwon-Do competition with 3 runs (3 min per run), and 1-min break in every game, the score decides who is the winner. During a game, their heart rates would increase to 165 time/min. Some may reach 192 time/min. It shows that Tae-kwon-Do is a high-intensity exercise, which has greater impact on circulation and respiratory systems. Related to this study, the athletes in different grades of technique and body weight have different fitness physical conditions. Guidetti, Musulin, & Baldari (2002) reported eight elite amateur boxers’ HRmax at 195±7 bpm. The measurement of maximum heart rate is important because it is often used to determine the intensity of cardiovascular training zone. In reality, a larger size athlete would tend to have a lower HRmax value than the predicted value (McArdle et al., 2001). Melhim (2001) et al. found that Tae-kwon-Do exercise could improve children’s cardio respiratory function, improve practitioners’ attack and defense skills and enhance self-health adjusting ability. The result shows that the resting heart rate did not have significant difference after aerobic power training; Anaerobic power and anaerobic capacity had a significant difference, 28% and 61.5% increase respectively; Before and after the training, there was no significant difference in resting heart rate (80.0±6.0 vs. 77.0±9.0 time/min, p>. 05) and in maximum oxygen uptake (VO2 max ) (36.3±9.2 vs. 38.2±7.8 ml/kg/min, p>.05). In 80-second Tae-kwon-Do competition, VO2max is 68/ml/kg/min. There was no difference at the heart rate in the training period between post-exercise 60 minute and rest (73.6±3.7 vs. 67.6±3.2 bpm , p>.05). There was no difference at the heart rate in the competition period between post-exercise 60 minute and rest (72.9±3.7 vs. 67.0±2 .0 bpm , p>.05).

Table 3-1 Heart rate comparisons between training and competition n=10 (unit: bpm)

Rest Hrmax post-5 p-30 p-60
Training 67.6±3.2 188.7±2.8 121.3±7.0 84.2±3.2 73.6±3.7
Competition 67.0±2.0 189.6±1.6 115.7±13.2 80.4±5.8 72.9±3.7

* means significant different between training and competition

The elite athlete can recover quickly to a rest state and have low a heart rate. Heart rates of general athletes at rest, before and after exercise, were 71, 59, 36 time/min, and their maximum heart rates were 185, 183, 174 time/min, respectively(Jack & David, 1999). The results showed the athletes didn’t recover to the rest period for sixty minutes in the post-exercise between training and competition period. Maybe the players need more time to improve the recovery state. It’s important for the coach and players to improve the recovery system on time because the players have to keep peak performance to success. Prevention is still the best treatment, and certain subjective and objective parameters can be taken by athletes and coaches to prevent over training between practice and competition periods.

Zen-Pin Figure 1

Figure 3-1 Heart rate comparisons between training and competition

(2)The result of VO2max There was no difference at the VO2max between training and competition period (49.6±3.3 vs. 50.3±3.0 ml/kg/min, p>.05)(Table3-2)(Figure3-2). Drobnic(1995)discussed recreational Tae-kwon-do athletes had a mean VO2max about 44.0 ml/kg/min; however, the VO2max values for elite athletes would be significantly higher than the athletes of recreational level. The National Taekwando Team of China had an average of VO2max of 57.57 ml/kg/min. The mean VO2max value of the Korean National Team, the perennial dominant power of this event, was about 59.56 ml/kg/min (Hong, 1997).Heller et al(1998) reported the average VO2max of the black-belt athletes on the Spanish national squad was 57.0 ml/kg/min, and as for the Czech Republic Team, the value was 53.8 ml/kg/min. Based on the results of previous research, it was suggested that male and female contestants with VO2max of 65 ml/kg/min and 55 ml/kg/min respectively, had a better chance to win Olympic medals. Intensive aerobic training could improve the physiological functions of highly trained sport contestants (Cooke et al., 1997).

Macdougall, Wenger & Green(1990)found ranges of VO2max reported for international athletes in male wrestling, soccer, basketball, and untrained. Their result were 50-70 ml/kg/min, 50-70 ml/kg/min, 40-60 ml/kg/min, 38-52 ml/kg/min. Guidetti, Musulin, & Baldari (2002) examined the physiological characteristics of the middleweight class boxers. Their VO2max at the individual anaerobic threshold was about 46.0±4.2ml/kg/min and their VO2max was 57.5±4.7 ml/kg/min. In addition, their hand-grip strengths and wrist girths were measured and compared to other combat-sports athletes.

In a competitive Olympic (non-professional) boxing match, boxers must fight for a total of 11 minutes. The fight is structured for three 3-minute rounds with a 1-min rest interval between each round. An athlete must have a high anaerobic threshold level and aerobic power level to meet the demand of this sport (Guidetti et al., 2002). Zabukovec & Tiidus(1995) investigated the physiological characteristics of kickboxers .Professional male middleweight (73-77 kg) and welterweight (63-67 kg) kickboxers were determined to have relatively higher aerobic capacities (VO2max, 54-69 ml/kg/min) than previously reported for many other power or combat athletes.

Table 3-2 Oxygen consumption comparisons between training and competition n=10 (unit: ml/kg/min)

Rest VO2max post-5 p-30 p-60
Training 3.9±0.3 49.6±3.3 20.8±1.1 5.9±0.3 4.3±0.1
Competition 3.8±0.4 50.3±3.0 20.7±0.9 5.9±0.3 4.2±0.1

*means significant different between training and competition

The results showed lower VO2max than elite players. Therefore, to monitor the phenomena of physiological characteristics to improve the efficiency in the sport science, there was no difference at the VO2max in the training period between post-exercise 60 minute and rest (4.3±0.1 vs. 3.9±0.3 bpm, p>.05). There was no difference at the VO2max in the competition period between post-exercise 60 minute and rest (4.2±0.1 vs. 3.8±0.4 ml/kg/min, p>.05). The result showed similarly between post-exercise 60 minute and rest in the training and competition period , but need more time to recovery in the rest period.

Zen-Pin Figure 2

Figure 3-2 Oxygen consumption comparisons between training and competition

2. The result of blood lactic acid measurement. There was difference at the BLA on the competition period higher than training period (7.0±1.3 vs. 6.3±1.2 mmol/l, p<.05)(Table 3-3)(Figure 3-3). Heller et al (1998) reported that in male and female international TKD competitions, peak blood lactate after 143 seconds could reach the highest, 11.4 mmol/l. The change in the blood lactate has a close relationship with the TKD competition intensity and competition performance (Hultman & Sahlin, 1980). The result showed lowered blood lactic acid than others to improve the intensive training to the player between training and competition period. Hetzler et al (1989) pointed out that excellent martial players should have the characteristics of very good physical ability, high speed and great strength, blood lactate ranging from 1.51-3.23 mol/100 ml, and blood pH value decreasing from 7.39 to 7.34 mg/dl. TKD players not only must have anaerobic metabolism with greater explosive power, but also have very good aerobic endurance; therefore, TKD athletes must have very good anaerobic ability and demand for higher aerobic metabolism capacity (Ho, 1997).

Table 3-3 Blood lactic Acid comparisons between training and competition n=10 (unit: mmol/l)

Rest post-5 p-30 p-60
Training 0.8±0.0 6.3±1.2 3.6±1.1 1.2±0.2
Competition 0.8±0.0 7.0±1.3 * 3.3±0.7 0.9±0.1

* means significant different between training and competition

Jack & David (1999) found that the resting blood lactate are 1.0 mmo/l、1.0 mmol/l、1.0mmol/l respectively for ordinary athletes, and international athletes before and after exercise; maximum blood lactate are 7.5、8.5、9.0 mmo/l respectively.

Ho., Chiang & Tsai(1998) found that in 1998 Asia Games, having 4 TKD athletes participate in the winning competition in the training team, the results showed that their maximum blood lactate was 6.74 mmol/l, and BUN tended to increase gradually after competition. From these results, we know although the time of TKD games is short, it may cause the damage in muscle fiber. To excellent athletes, if the quality and quantity of training intensity, cardio respiratory function, energy consumption, and blood lactate system during training can be well controlled, furthermore to well control their body weight and physical ability, the athletes can elaborate their potential and maintain peak performance. It is very important to coaches and athletes (Hiroyuki et al., 1999).

Zen-Pin Figure 3

Figure 3-3. Blood lactic Acid comparisons between training and competition

3. The result of URO There was no difference at the URO between training and competition period (92.0±91.1 vs. 195.0±158.4 mg/dl ,p>.05).(Table3-4)(Figure3-4). Urine biochemistry tests can be the evaluation index of nutrition assessment and test exercise intensity (Robert & David, 1993). There was no difference at the URO in the training period between post-exercise 60 minute and rest (36.5±37.2 vs. 15.8±10.4 mg/dl, p>.05).There was no difference at the URO in the training period between post-exercise 60 minute and rest (43.5±35.5 vs. 25.0±12.6 mg/dl , p>.05). The greater the fatigue, the greater the negative training aftereffects such as low rate of recovery, decreased coordination, and diminished power output (Bampa,1999). Related to this study, probably 10-week peak phase of training over-exhausts the physical function and elevates urine protein level that will take longer to recover. Lin(1996)discussed that the factors affecting exercise urine protein included: 1.urine protein and physical function.2.quantity and intensity of training.3.age and environments.4.the effect of emotion on urine protein.

Table 3-4 URO comparisons between training and competition n=10(unit:mg/dl)

Rest post-5 p-30 p-60\
Training 15.8±10.4 92.0±91.1 105.0±126.1 36.5±37.2
Competition 25.0±12.6 195.0±158.4 120.0±73.3 43.5±35.5

* means significant different between training and competition

This finding can be an objective reference factor for contestants in the training and competition. It is possible that nine weeks of training may increase the urine protein level. Urine protein and exercise intensity have strong relationship. Competitive games and high intensity training make urine protein increase. The stronger the exercise intensity, the more the urine protein.

Zen-Pin Figure 4

Figure 3-3 URO comparisons between training and competition

4.The difference of PO(power output) There was difference at the power out at competition period greater than training period (232.7±14.5 vs. 226.5±14.7 watt ,p<.05) (Table3-4) (Figure3-4). It could be training for 10th week to promotion the muscle of power output. Zabukovec & Tiidus (1995) investigated professional male middleweight (73-77 kg) and welterweight (63-67 kg) kickboxers. The results showed relatively anaerobic capacities (8.2-11.2 Watt/Kg) than previously reported for many other power or combat athletes. The results showed lower than Kickboxers’ anaerobic capacities. Hoffman & Kang (2002) investigated a major concern of many of these studies focused on the applicability of a cycle ergo meter test for anaerobic power in athletes that perform primarily sprinting activities. To find the peak power of the football, basketball, wrestlers, male physical education students were 16.8±5.2 w/kg, 21.8±5.0, 18.5±2.7, 18.8±5.6 W/kg. Female group of the soccer and physical education students in peak power is 15.7±4.2 and 12.9±3.0 W/kg. However, the results showed lowered power output than others to improve the athlete’s muscle power to promote the physical state.

Bompa (1999) investigated strength training has become widely accepted as a determinant element in athletic performance. Thus, the main objective of the conversion phase is to synthesize those physiological foundations for advancements in athletic performance during the competitive phase. The determining factors in success of the conversion phase are its duration and the specific methods used to transform M*S gain into sport-specific strength.The power value measured by the simple product of the applied force and the speed developed remains inferior to the real power performed by the subjects since the forces of friction and inertia are not taken into account (Arsac et al.,1996).Thus other factors, such as metabolic and structural properties of taekwon-do players’ muscles, should be considered.

Therefore, martial arts and boxers must be able to react quickly and powerfully to an opponent’s attack. Both aerobic and anaerobic energy is used during a bout. Reactive strength and agility are necessary to respond to an opponent’s strategy. Limiting factors: Power endurance P-E), reactive power, M-E (muscle endurance)medium or long(professional boxer (Bompa,1999).

Taekwon-do exercises the need for stronger power including speed and velocity. Power is the ability of the neuromuscular system to produce the greatest possible force in the shortest amount of time. Power is simply the product of muscle force (F) multiplied by the velocity (v) of movement: P=F*V for athletic purpose, any increase in power must be the result of improvements in either strength, speed, or a combination of the two (Bompa, 1999).

Table 3-4 Power Output comparisons between training and competition n=10 (unit: watt) ; average power: AP

Power Output
Training 226.5±14.7 *
Competition 232.7±14.5

*means significant different between training and competition

The advantage of explosive, high-velocity power training is that it “trains” the nervous system. Increase in performance can be based on neural changes the help the individual muscles achieve greater performance capability (Scale,1986). This is accomplished by shorting the time of motor unit recruitment, especially FT fibers, and increasing the tolerance of the motor neurons to increased innervations frequencies (Hakkinen, 1986; Hakkinen & Komi,1983). The other way, it’s important technology for the coach and player to improve the starting power because it is an essential and often determinant ability in sports where the initial speed of action dictates the final outcome (boxing, karate, fencing, the start in sprinting, or the beginning of an aggressive acceleration from standing in team sports). The athlete’s ability to recruit the highest possible number of FT fibers to start the motion explosively is the fundamental physiological characteristic necessary for successful performance (Bompa,1999).

Zen-Pin Figure 5

Figure 3-4 Power Output comparisons between training and competition

IV. Conclusion

  1. There was no difference of the cardiac respiratory functioning between training and competition period. The players can’t recovery quickly for sixty minutes.
  2. There was a difference at the BLA at the competition period higher than training period. To improve the intensive training to the player between training and competition period.
  3. There was no difference at the URO between the training and competition period in the post-exercise 60 minute and rest.

The competition period was greater than training at the power out, but less than elite athletes in the professional period. Athletes are constantly exposed to various types of training loads, some of which exceed their tolerance threshold. When athletes drive themselves beyond their physiological limits, they risk fatigue (Bompa,1999). Thus, to monitor the physiological characteristics between training and competition period. It’s benefit for the player and coach to manage the peak performance and avoid the over training. To recover quickly and keep a steady state is important for the coach and player.

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Practical and Critical Legal Concerns for Sport Physicians and Athletic Trainers

Abstract

In order to help sport physicians and athletic trainers understand the
legal principles that may be applicable to injury treatment, the writers
examined the areas of liability that physicians and trainers may face
in their delivery of care. Major topics which were covered by this article
included: (1) informed consent and participation risks, (2) physician-patient
relationship, (3) immunity issues, and (4) risk management. In conclusion,
seven protective strategies were recommended for sport physicians and
athletic trainers to insure acceptable service standards. They were: (a)
maintaining a good physician-client relationship with athletes; (b) obtaining
informed consent and insist on a written contract; (c) educating the athletes,
parents and coaches concerning issues of drug abuse, assumption of risks,
confidentiality; (d) performing physical examinations carefully, and be
cautious on issuing medical clearance; (e) formulating a risk management
plan and properly document hazards and records; (f) participating in continuing
education and recognize your qualifications; and (g) maintaining insurance
coverage.

Introduction

The special legal duties and liabilities team physicians have are rapidly
developing areas of law (Collum, 2001). Since 1990, there has been a significant
increase in sports medicine related litigation (Gallup, 1995). The increasing
economic benefits of playing sports, such as college scholarships or multi-million
dollar professional contracts, have inspired injured athletes to seek
compensation for injuries resulting from negligent medical care (Herbert,
1991). As a result, today, many sport physicians and athletic trainers
recognize they need a general understanding of certain legal principles
in order to further protect themselves and their institutions from litigation
(Gieck, Lowe, & Kenna, 1984). Sport physicians and athletic trainers
must become familiar with the acts and policies that regulate the profession.
Physicians and trainers must realize that acquiring the basic knowledge
of legal principles can help improve their professional practice. In order
to help sport physicians and athletic trainers understand the legal principles
that may be applicable to injury treatments and prevention, the writers
examines several areas of liability physicians and trainers may face.
These areas include: (a) informed consent and participation risks, (b)
the physician-patient relationship, (c) immunity issues, and (d) risk
management.

Informed Consent and Participation Risks

A widely recognized legal principle is that the team physician must have
an athlete’s informed consent before providing any medical treatment
(Gallup, 1995; Ray, 2000; Mitten, 2002). Informed consent is a legal doctrine
that requires a sport physician to obtain consent for rendering treatment,
performing an operation, or using many diagnostic procedures after their
clients being furnished with all the known relevant facts (Gallup, 1995;
Briggs, 2001). This requirement is based on the principle of individual
autonomy, meaning a competent adult has the legal right to decide what
to do with his body (Heinemann, 1997).

Consent forms are especially important in the high school setting because
most of these injured student- athletes are minors. No lawsuit has been
successfully tried based on a lack of parental consent, where the treatment
of the minor was non-negligent (Gallup, 1995; Ray, 2000). Recently, many
courts have begun to follow the mature minor rule allowing the young person
(an age of 14-16) to validly consent to the physicians’ treatment
(Holder, 1978). Consent may be implied under the circumstances, such as
when an athlete has been rendered unconscious during play and needs emergency
medical treatment (Mitten, 2002; Hecht, 2002). In these cases, the law
generally assumes that if the injured athlete had been aware of his/her
condition and was mentally competent, then he/she would consent to the
treatment. Based on several experts’ comments (Rosoff, 1991; Gallup,
1995; Briggs, 2001; Mitten, 2002; Sports Medicine Digest, 2002), the authors
have summarized the key points in the consent, which should be disclosed
to athletes:

  1. Physicians and trainers must adhere to customary or accepted sports
    medicine practice in diagnosing athletes’ injuries.
  2. An athlete must understand the kind of treatment to which he is consenting.
  3. A physician must disclose relevant information since his/her failure
    to do so may subject him/her to liability for fraudulent concealment.
  4. Physicians and trainers should propose possible alternative treatments.
  5. Keep in mind that the clients have the “right of refusal.”
  6. Physicians and trainers should explain the cost of the proposed treatment.

It is difficult to judge how far a sport physician should go in determining
whether an athlete actually understand what he/she has consented to or
not. In the 1987 California case of Krueger v. San Francisco 49ers, the
49ers were found guilty of fraudulent concealment, because the team physicians
failed to inform Krueger about the full extent of his injuries, the potential
consequences of the anesthetic steroid injections, and the long-term implications
of playing professional football with a badly damaged knee. If a physician
wishes to avoid the liability of negligence or fraud, he/she must show
that approving athletic participation is not medically unreasonable and
the athlete actually understands the risks.

“Assumption of risk” is a legal defense that attempts to
claim that an injured plaintiff understood the risk of an activity and
freely chose to undertake the activity regardless of the hazards associated
with it (Ray, 2000). It is one of the most common defenses that educational
institutions, athletic trainers and sport physicians may employ to avoid
legal liability. Two conditions must be met in order to establish the
defense of “assumption of risk” (Scott, 1990). (a) The athlete
must fully appreciate and understand the type and magnitude of the risk
involved in participation. (b) The athlete must also “knowingly,
voluntarily, and unequivocally” choose to participate. In interscholastic
sport settings, school districts often use a consent form to prove an
implied assumption of risk. In some cases, courts also have found that
consent forms prove the minor and parents did understand the risks inherent
in the sport and agree to assume them (Vendrell v. School District No
26c Malheur County).

Today, athletes and their parents frequently challenge the return-to-play
decision of the sport physicians and demand their right to participate
(Ray, 2000). In this case, one approach sport physicians or athletic trainers
may take is to request athletes (and their parents in the case of minors)
to sign exculpatory waivers. An “exculpatory waiver” or “risk
release” is a contract signed by a participant, which relieves the
school, university, or team physician from any liability to the individual
who executes the release (Gallup, 1995). It acts as an “express
assumption of risk” indicating that the participant fully understands
and voluntarily chooses to encounter the risk. The participant further
agrees in advance not to hold the defendant liable for the consequences
of conduct that would ordinarily amount to negligence (Keeton, Dobbs,
Keeton, & Owen, 1987). Some courts uphold releases of liability from
future negligence, but not culpable conduct such as intentional, reckless,
or grossly negligent torts (Keeton et al, 1987; Cotten, 2001; Mitten,
2002). However, courts have also invalidated contracts releasing physicians
from liability for negligent medical care of their patient, because such
contracts violates public policy (Tunkl v. Regents of University of California,
1963; Ray, 2000). In general, a waiver signed by the minor alone will
not be enforced (Cotten, 2001). Even if an exculpatory waiver is established,
the court may evaluate its validity individually.

In general, if an injured athlete is found to be contributory negligent,
he/she may not be able to successfully sue a team physician or an athletic
trainer (Hebert, 2002; Gallup, 1995). In the past, plaintiffs might lose
the case due to their contributory negligence, because the court’s
decision was determined on an “all or nothing” basis (Hoffman
v. Jones, 1973). However, this type of ruling is not a dominant trend
anymore. In Perez v. McConkey, a plaintiff’s contributory negligence
no longer was a “complete bar to recovery”; rather, it was
to be considered in “apportioning damages only” (Wanat, 2001).
Today, the courts often use the doctrine of comparative negligence to
determine if the liability should be divided between the plaintiff and
the defendant(s) (Ray, 2000; Gallup, 1995). In most states, plaintiffs
can collect damages only if their comparative culpability is less than
50% (Ray, 2000). Physicians and trainers may compensate their patients
in proportion to their fault.

Physician-patient Relationship

When a university or a professional sports team hires the team physicians,
a duty is created not only between the physicians and the athletes, but
also to the hiring entity. Although the well-being of athletes should
be the most important concern of physicians and trainers who render medical
service, it is not always easy for physicians and trainers to make their
decisions based on this principle due to the intense pressure from the
coaches, management, the press, and even the motivated athletes themselves.
In general, if physicians who are hired by professional teams act in a
negligent manner and cause their patients (athletes) to lose a contract,
scholarship, or future earnings, they may ultimately be found liable for
those damages (Gallup, 1995). Under the doctrine of “vicarious liability”,
a university or professional team may also be liable for the actions of
the team physician who it hired (Berry & Wong, 1986). However, if
the physician is an independent contractor, the entity may not be held
liable for the physician’s negligence (Cramer v. Hoffman, 1968).
The key factor to determine whether the physician is an independent contractor
or not is relying on the amount of control the hiring entity exercises
over the independent judgment of physician (Berry & Wong, 1986).

The issue of confidentiality is often a complicated problem in professional
and collegiate sports. Releasing an athlete’s medical condition
to third parties (i.e., media) violates a physician’s ethical obligation
to maintain confidentiality (Mitten, 2002). However, it may seem appropriate
for physicians or trainers to discuss athletes’ condition with the
management of collegiate or professional teams, because they have the
access to athletes’ medical records anyway (Berry & Wong, 1986).
Collegiate and professional physicians and trainers must remember that
they owe athletes confidentiality, and should be careful about releasing
information to the press. In Chuy v. Philadelphia Eagles Football Club
(1979), the defendant, Chuy, sought the compensation from the Philadelphia
Eagles because the team physician released his medical condition to the
press without his consent. Based on the impact of this case, it is ideal
for the physician to obtain the athlete’s permission (a publicity
waiver form) before disclosing any medical information to team officials
or press. An essential act that physicians must apply is informing the
athletes that they are acting on behalf of the team (Mitten, 2002). Readers
may refer to the Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act from
official website of the Department of United States Health and Human Services
(2003) for more information concerning standards for protecting the privacy
of personal health information.

Immunity Issues

In some instances, physicians may be immune from legal liability for
malpractice claims brought by athletes (Mitten, 1995). Several states
have enacted legal statutes immunizing volunteer sport physicians from
negligence liability for rendering emergency medical care to athletes
(Mitten, 2002). In addition, some states have expended their Good Samaritan
laws to specify immunity for those who provide medical services at athletic
events (Gallup, 1995; Todaro, 1986). However, statutory immunity only
covered physicians or trainers who provide emergency care to an athlete
with an apparent life-threatening condition in good faith, not with wanton
emergency treatment or gross negligence (Todaro, 1986).

As shown in the case of Sorey v. Kellett (1988), it was found that sport
physicians employed by public universities might be protected by state
law immunity. Furthermore, state workers’ compensation laws may
also bar claims of professional athletes against team physicians for negligent
medical care (Mitten, 2002; Gallup, 1995). Other than the Good Samaritan
laws, the workers’ compensation laws are other legal statues that
preclude professional athletes suing team physicians or trainers for negligence.
In Hendy v. Losse (1991), the court interpreted that workers’ compensation
law bar tort suits between co-employees for injuries caused within the
scope of employment. One must keeps in mind that workers’ compensation
laws are not uniform, and may vary from state to state (Gallup, 1995).

Risk management

Risk management is the key for preventing lawsuits in sports medicine.
As sport physicians and athletic trainers have involved more managerial
responsibilities along with their clinical duties, the broader construct
of risk management became more important. Risk management is a process
intended to prevent financial, physical, property, and time loss for an
organization (Culp, Goemaere, & Miller, 1985; Ray, 2000; Streator
& Buckley, 2001). According to Gallup (1995), a well-designed risk
management program should cover four essential elements; compassion, communication,
competence and charting. Sports physicians and athletic trainers must
demonstrate a deep concern for athletes and build a good rapport with
athletes. Maintaining clinical competence and keeping accurate medical
records are other important means to avoid liability for malpractice.
In fact, studies show that 70% of the medical litigations are due to poor
communication and attitude problems presented by physicians or trainers
(Gallup, 1995).

To apply appropriate techniques and management principles for reducing
the likelihood of risk, the Department of Sport and Recreation of Australia
(2003) provided some guidelines for handling the potential risks. Those
guidelines included: (a) establishing the context of a risk management
program (objectives, resources, and assessment criteria, etc.), (b) risk
identification, (c) risk assessment, (d) treatment and control, and (e)
monitoring and review. While applying the above principles in the sport
medicine field, Rankin and Ingersoll’s (1995) recommendation can
further help to control risk. In terms of risk identification and assessment,
physicians and trainers can administer pre-participation physical exams,
monitor fitness levels, assess activity areas, monitor environmental conditions,
maintain equipment, use proper instructional techniques, and provide adequate
work-rest intervals. Advice for treatment and control include: (a) have
a physician supervise all medical aspects of the program; (b) evaluate
and treat injuries correctly and promptly; and (c) supervise student athletic
trainers or intern physicians.

Effective documentation is vital for sport physicians and athletic trainers
because 35% to 40% of all medical malpractice suits are rendered indefensible
by problems with the medical record (Michigan Medicine, 1983). Sport physicians
should record their activities for the following reasons (Ray, 2000; Briggs,
2001; Streator & Buckley, 2001): (a) personal use; especially for
personal protection in the event of litigation; (b) legal, ethical and
professional requirements; (c) statistical records; (d) educational, research
and insurance purposes; (e) information for further planning, treatment,
rehabilitation and training; (f) aids for assisting other practitioners
taking over/involved in treatment (i.e. a multidisciplinary approach);
and (g) information for techniques and standards involved in treatment/rehabilitation.

In general, sport physicians and athletic trainers should file two types
of records properly, medical records and program administration records
(Ray, 2000). Medical records are cumulative documentation of a patient’s
medical history and health care interventions. The administration records
may include physical examination forms, injury evaluation and treatment
forms, reports of special procedures, emergency information, permission
for medical treatment forms, release of medical information, insurance
information and communication from other professionals (Ray, 2000; Streator
& Buckley, 2001).

Conclusion

The authors examined the variety, complexity, and importance of legal
issues, which sport physicians and athletic trainers may encounter. Many
of the legal outcomes are strongly influenced by advances in medicine,
medical evidence, and reviews of legal precedents (Gallup, 1995; Opie,
2002). The authors attempted to synthesize opinions of experts and information
derived from some lawsuits to propose practical guidelines for the physicians
and trainers. As Ray (2000) mentioned, the best legal defense against
malpractice lawsuits is still to provide high-quality medical services
consistent with the standard of care. The concepts and suggestions, which
were illustrated in this article, might not be interpreted as absolute
legal principles; rather, they should be treated as aids to help physicians
and trainers prevent negligence lawsuits. The following protective strategies
were suggested to insure the acceptable service standard (Graham, 1985;
Ray, 2000; Gallup; Opie, 2002; Mitten, 2002).

  1. Maintain a good physician-client relationship with athletes.
  2. Obtain informed consent and insist on a written contract.
  3. Educate the athletes, parents and coaches concerning issues of drug
    abuse, assumption of risks, confidentiality.
  4. Perform physical examinations carefully, and be cautious on issuing
    medical clearances.
  5. Formulate a risk management plan and properly document hazards and
    records.
  6. Participate in continuing education and recognize your qualifications.
  7. Maintain insurance coverage.

References

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    (2nd ed.). Champaign, Illinois: Human Kinetics.
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  31. Sports Medicine Digest. (2002). Withholding relevant information may
    be fraudulent. Sports Medicine Digest, 24(1), 3.
  32. Streator, S., & Buckley, W. E. (2001). Risk management in athletic
    training. Athletic Therapy Today, 6(2), 55-59.
  33. Todaro, G. T. (1986). The volunteer team physician: When are you exempt
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  35. Venderll v. School District No 26c Malheur Country, 233 Oregon. 1,
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2016-10-12T14:43:37-05:00March 4th, 2004|Contemporary Sports Issues, Sports Coaching, Sports Exercise Science, Sports Facilities, Sports Management, Sports Studies and Sports Psychology|Comments Off on Practical and Critical Legal Concerns for Sport Physicians and Athletic Trainers

Sports and the Environment: Ways towards achieving the sustainable development of sport

Preliminary Remark

Today, in many countries Sport and the Environment is understood as a
highly important subject. Scientists deal with this issue as well as authorities,
sports associations and conservation groups.

Above all, since the World Conference 1992 in Rio de Janeiro questions
of lifestyle are on the agenda for the environmental debate.

Sport represents a significant part of our different lifestyles and thus
automatically becomes a subject of discussion.

Many sports associations have built up professional and voluntary structures
and include environmental issues in their public relations.

The International Olympic Committee (IOC), in close cooperation with
the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP), hosted a World Conference
on Sport and the Environment in 1995 at which IOC President Samaranch
expressed: “The International Olympic Committee is resolved
to ensure that
the environment becomes the third dimension of the
organization of the Olympic Games, the first and second being sport and
culture. “

Subsequently to this conference a working group Sport and the Environment
was established by the IOC.

It is to be welcomed that the International Pierre de Coubertin Committee
has decided to make Sport and the Environment a central topic on the agenda
for the 4th School Forum at Genova-Arenzano 2003.

This paper is essentially practically oriented. It describes the most
important complexes of problems and shows appropriate action towards a
sustainable future of sport.

1 . Introduction

In our society sport fulfils important functions and is indeed indispensable.
It offers opportunities for physical activity in a world where physical
activity is increasingly diminishing; it promotes good health and well-being
(when pursued in moderation); and it provides a means of social contact
and ample opportunity for intensive experiences.

At the same time, however, sport can be a considerable cause of damage to
nature and the environment. Damage can occur directly as a result of the
pursuit of sports activities or the building and operation of the requisite
infrastructure, or it can be caused by indirect factors such as the use
of cars to travel to and from sports activities.

The causes of the conflict between sport and the environment
are inherent in sport itself and are also a consequence of deep-rooted
social changes; they may be understood only from this perspective. Since the
1970s, higher income, more leisure, greater mobility and increasing individualisation
have formed the basis for major and continuing changes in sport. These changes
include the following:

  • a rise in the number of people who pursue sports activities
  • a higher degree of differentiation between types of sport and sports
    equipment as well as motives and reasons
  • the use of areas hitherto unused or seldom used and areas already
    in use being opened up for new purposes
  • spread of activities to periods previously not or seldom made use
    of
  • fewer ties with sports clubs and their traditions
  • increase in individual, spontaneous activities without proper training
  • increase in activities offered commercially and to a certain extent
    associated with aggressive advertising

Consequently, these developments have led to wider and more intensive use of
particularly attractive but, by nature, vulnerable areas. Sport is claiming
more territory, and this is continually putting numerous animal and plant
species under threat and causing the loss of natural landscapes.

Sport can not only affect nature and landscapes, but can also give rise to other
environmental damage. With regard to this problem, the use of non-renewable
resources, the emission of harmful substances during the building and operation
of sports facilities, journeys to and from these facilities, and the production
and disposal of sports equipment all play a key role.

Sports activities can cause critical damage to and endanger precious and vulnerable
locations. However, in terms of overall damage, sport tends to play a lesser
role compared to other causes such as agriculture, forestry, industry and
transport. In the analysis of conflicts between sport and the environment,
areas of overlap with other forms of land use must be taken into account.

At the same time, sport is also affected by general damage to the environment
caused by other sources. Such damage includes, for example, a large number
of devaluated watercourses, e.g. as a result of hydraulic engineering, pollution
of soil and water and air. Thus, while sport can be an obstacle to issues
of nature conservation and environmental protection, the two conflicting areas
also have common interests.

New approaches are required for resolving existing conflicts between sport
and the environment in the long term. This means, above all, orienting
conservation and utilisation concepts to the principle of sustainability
in line with the agreements reached at the Conference on Environment and
Development in Rio de Janeiro in 1992. Sport must be included in the on-going
debate on implementation of Agenda 21, which was adopted at the conference.
The aim should be for representatives of sport and those promoting the
cause of nature conservation and environmental protection to join forces
and draw up guidelines for sustain-able development in sport.

2. Criteria for the sustainable development of sport

The model of sustainable development consists in reconciling the improvement
of economic and social living conditions with the long-term protection
of the natural basis of life in order to also give future generations the
opportunity to unfold. It not only addresses governments, but also business
and industry, all social groups and, indeed, each individual citizen.

When applied to sport, it becomes necessary to

  • promote and further develop forms of sport which are compatible with
    nature and the environment;
  • make sports-related infrastructure more environmentally compatible;
  • reduce damage to vulnerable areas;
  • secure and improve opportunities for sport and physical activity outside
    vulnerable areas;
  • preserve and increase the recreational quality of countryside and
    its enjoyment value for those doing sport.

3. Areas of action

This paper limits itself to outlining central areas of action. The areas of
action are linked to one another in a variety of different ways; considering
them in isolation fails to do justice to the complexity of the relationships.
Therefore, occasional overlaps in content are unavoidable.

3.1 Sports activities in nature and the countryside

Sport and nature conservation can be reconciled almost everywhere. Thus
conflicts arising from sports activities in nature and the countryside
are not a general problem. They seldom arise on a large scale, but tend
to be concentrated in specific locations, which are characterised by their
special attractiveness for sport, as well as by a particular vulnerability
and the need for nature protection.

Critical factors with respect to the effect of sports activities on nature
are the extent, intensity and type of sport being pursued as well as the
resilience of the natural area being used. In principle, the use of nature
for the purposes of sport should stop at the point where the type of activity
concerned considerably affects or damages nature or the rural landscape.
Thus sports activities should take into due account the degree of ecological
resilience of the area concerned.

In order to reduce the damage to vulnerable areas early on and at the
same time fulfil the task of providing for recreation, nature conservation
bodies and representatives of sport should be more involved in the planning
of opportunities in resilient landscapes. A positive impact on the recreational
value of countryside is generated as a side effect of the various nature
conservation programmes on species and biotope conservation.

In the past, some countries have developed promising approaches, above
all in the planning and management of sports and leisure activities. These
are essentially aimed at ruling out, or avoiding as far as possible, potential
conflicts and lessening existing conflicts. Numerous regulations that
have been put into practice and proved successful show that they can meet
the demands of both sport and nature conservation.

For example, leisure activities and facilities that are not tied to a
particular natural environment or geographical features should be removed
from vulnerable areas and transferred to less vulnerable areas of manmade
landscapes or situated near residential areas. A wide range of measures
such as signposting, shifting car-parks, banning traffic from certain
roads, information boards, route marking, maintaining desirable routes
and closing down undesirable routes, setting up obstacles such as water-filled
ditches or bushes all make it possible to transfer activities from vulnerable
to more resilient areas without this being noticed by the people concerned.
Supplementary measures towards the restriction of activities to certain
periods of time could be planned.

In many cases problems only arise when the same areas are used excessively
at the same time. Before the use of such areas is banned altogether, the
possibility of restricting numbers of visitors to these areas should be
examined, while taking into account social fairness. In order to avoid
inadequate enforcement, planning possibilities involving the restriction
of infrastructure should be considered (eg. limiting parking capacity,
reducing the number of cable car trips up mountains etc.). In cases where
the pursuit of sports activities causes harm only at particular times,
restrictions during these specific periods should be considered. In this
way, nature conservation requirements during the breeding or moulting
season of birds or vital periods for other animals can be respected without
banning access to areas at other times.

It is also possible to reconcile sport with nature conservation by defining
maximum permissible group sizes, restricting activities to those which
do not pose any threat in the specific situation, declaring certain areas
of countryside off-limits (eg. banks of watercourses), stipulating specific
routes (eg. along watercourses), defining maximum permissible boat lengths
or permissible type of power source or imposing the requirement of producing
specific qualifications.

Voluntary commitments should be given priority for achieving conservation
aims as they provide greater clarity for those involved. If this is not
possible or proves unsuccessful, a wide variety of different solutions
should be implemented. It is the duty of sports organisations and commercial
operators to encourage a considerite attitude to nature and the environment
by providing information about ecological aspects. However, environmental
education processes will only be effective it all those involved are willing
to respect the restrictions and acquire knowledge of nature conservation
issues.

Restrictive measures intended to protect vulnerable or over-used natural
areas are successful particularly when attractive alternatives are offered.
These should involve upgrading the land concerned in terms of the aesthetic
appeal of the landscape, ecological and recreational aspects, as well
as selecting locations which avoid the generation of high traffic volumes.
Artificial facilities (eg. climbing walls) for types of outdoor sport
which take place in nature or the countryside provide only partial relief.
They do not provide a substitute for the experience of nature and may
in the long term even serve to increase the use of and thus the pressure
on nature.

The measures suitable for avoiding and resolving conflicts arising in
connection with types of activities pursued in the countryside can be
summarised as follows:

  • Developing binding, uniform and effective regulations in areas which,
    for the sake of nature conservation, must be kept free of any use or
    certain uses
  • Developing and testing effective measures, i.e. measures which can
    be conveyed and controlled, below the level of a ban
  • Shifting activities and facilities to less vulnerable areas
  • Concentrating and managing activities (in terms of location and time)
  • Targeted expansion of supply-oriented planning in resilient areas
    where the countryside should possibly be enhanced
  • Creating artificial alternative and substitute facilities
  • Obliging all sports operators to organise their events and programmes
    such that they are compatible with nature and the environment
  • Systematically informing and educating people practising sport and
    multipliers about the possibilities for pursuing activities without
    affecting nature or the environment

3.2 Sport and physical activity in built-up areas

People who pursue recreational sports activities in nature and the countryside
mainly come from the towns. Both recreational traffic and the activities
themselves can cause considerable damage to the environment. If towns
offer more suitable opportunities for games, sports and physical activities,
it will be possible to ease the pressure on the countryside. Furthermore,
tying more people to the area where they live will help to lower environmentally
harmful traffic volumes. To this end, ways must be sought to better satisfy
the need for physical activity in the vicinity of residential areas.

In order to solve the growing problem of traffic in towns, the aim should
be to set up residential structures that put less pressure on people to
be mobile. A multifunctional approach to town planning gives rise to “towns
with short distances”. When it comes to providing residents with
sports facilities, this means that adequate and attractive opportunities
for sports, games and physical activities for all age groups must be created
or preserved in the vicinity of their homes. These opportunities should
be linked to one another via green belts with foot and cycle paths. The
“strategy of environment-friendly accessibility” is of utmost
importance for areas in the local neighbourhood offering basic opportunities
for games, sports and physical activities. If central areas suitable for
games and sports can be easily and safely reached by bicycle or public
transport by the residents of a large catchments, area, this will reduce
ecological damage due to traffic and cater for the needs of children,
the disabled, the elderly and other groups which do not have regular use
of a car.

The environmental and recreational quality of towns is becoming increasingly
important as a “soft” location advantage.

Only very cautious adjustments are required to semi-natural areas such
as these in order to make them useful. Here there is ample scope for linking
aims of nature conservation and recreation by providing semi-natural areas
which promise excitement and adventure. It is also possible to put buildings
and land to other uses and thus provide facilities for sports and physical
activities without taking up additional land. Redesigning or restructuring
former industrial buildings and estates, for example, opens up opportunities
to improve the range of recreational facilities available in a region.

Earmarking sufficiently large green areas in towns is not only in the
interests of sport (“sports-friendly town”), but also of environmental
protection (“environment­ friendly town”). In the tough battle
over different land uses, the representatives of sport and those of the
environment should join forces to set up a common lobby for more green
areas.

3.3 Sports facilities

Sports facilities affect the environment in a variety of different ways.
When describing and assessing them, a distinction can be made between
indoor and outdoor facilities. Compared to sports halls, outdoor facilities
require much more space. How this space is treated is of considerable
significance to the environment. On the one hand, the wrong choice of
location, improper care (over-fertilisation, irrigation using drinking
water, etc.) and unnecessary soil sealing can cause the loss of valuable
habitats and affect the soil and the water balance. On the other hand,
if environmental criteria are taken into account during the planning,
building and maintenance of an outdoor sports facility, especially in
conurbations, this can upgrade the area ecologically (biodiversity, microclimate
etc.) and thus increase the attractiveness of the residential environment.

Sports halls require only about 5% of the area taken up by outdoor facilities.
Excessive energy consumption and water use are the prime causes of environmental
damage in the case of sports halls. At present, an average of about 400,000
kWh of energy per year are required for operating one hall in Germany,
for instance. Today, reduction of energy consumption in sports halls is
mainly concentrated on heating/hot water supply systems, heat insulation
and lighting. Practical examples show that there is considerable potential
in sports facilities for saving energy and water. In order to exhaust
this potential, modern, resource saving technology must be installed and
user habits must be changed. Due to the large savings made as a result,
investments in energy and water often pay off within relatively short
periods. Building renovation, necessary in any case, and new building
plans provide ideal opportunities for installing environment-friendly
technology.

If environmental aspects are to be considered regularly and not just
sporadically, operators of sports facilities need systematic environmental
management. Essential elements of such management include the appointment
of an environmental officer, mandatory consideration of environmental
aspects when any decision is made, the introduction of eco-controlling,
as well as regular environmental training courses for staff.

By saving valuable resources, sports facilities designed and run on an
environmentally compatible basis can contribute enormously towards sustainable
development and thus also to the implementation of Agenda 21. This applies
in particular to climate protection through reduction of C02 emissions.

To summarise, the following steps are important for making sports facilities
more ecological:

  • Initiating and supporting green consulting services for sports facility
    operators
  • Tying government and association funding for sports facilities (grants
    and loans) to the fulfillment of environmental standards
  • Considering to a greater extent the possibility of making use of existing
    areas and buildings for sports facilities
  • Incorporating environmental management into the work of sports administrations,
    clubs, associations and commercial sports operators.

3.4 Sport and mobility

Just as in other social sub-systems, mobility requirements in sport have
increased significantly over the past years. The reasons are manifold.
Sport has not only grown in general – another important development is
the constant growth in diversity. New types of sport frequently generate
the need for a greater range of different facilities. Reaching new locations
(sports facilities or country areas) demands greater mobility.

This is particularly true in the case of activities pursued in nature
and the countryside, to which soaring numbers of people have been drawn
over many years. Since most people have to travel short or long distances
in order to pursue these kinds of activities, sports and tourism are today
more closely linked than ever before. Nowadays, sport is often even the
principal reason for travel (e.g. skiing holidays), and in other cases
the activities offered are at least an important factor in the choice
of travel destination,

Even in built-up areas, people pursuing sports activities are required
to be more mobile. This is mainly due to the geographical separation of
working, living and leisure. In particular, the fact that sports and leisure
centres are increasingly built on the periphery of towns (in green suburbs)
has increased the distance to and from sports activities. However, sport
is not only to be found in sports facilities, but, particularly in the
towns, in public areas too (parks, play areas in streets, cycle paths
etc.) Due to other priorities in town planning over the past decades,
there is now a shortage of such options. Opportunities for physical activity,
games and sports have been pushed out of town life by new roads and streets,
land sealing etc, and this has resulted in people looking more than ever
beyond the towns for the recreational facilities they need.

The sustainable development of sport requires not only the avoidance
of unnecessary traffic, but also provision and use of means of transport
that are the least harmful to the environment. The goal and the reality
are still very far apart. Mobility in sport today is primarily “auto
mobility”. Sport thus contributes considerably to traffic volumes
and thus also to climate change. Already, more than half of total distances
travelled by cars are travelled during leisure time, of which in turn,
according to a Swiss study, 25% are linked to sport.

With respect to sports activities pursued in the country, two of the
main reasons for the high level of private car use are the considerable
requirements regarding equipment and transport and the difficulties when
using public transport, particularly the limited possibilities for taking
along sports equipment, the lack of transfer facilities between stations
and actual destinations, and the fact that routes and frequency of buses
and trains are inadequate considering the leisure time demand. Amazingly,
however, even in the case of sports activities pursued in built-up areas,
private cars seem to be the absolute number-one means of trans-port, According
to a study carried out at the University of Bayreuth (Germany), three
quarters of organised adult volleyball players’ travel to their training
sessions and home matches by car or motorbike. 55% of the distances in
question, however, are 5 km at the most. Sports associations and clubs
are thus called upon to create the necessary structures for more environment-friendly
mobility on the part of their members and to encourage their members accordingly
to change their habits.

To achieve environment-friendly mobility in sport, the following should
be given priority:

  • enhancing the residential environment and expanding opportunities
    for sport, games and physical activity in public areas within the urban
    area
  • encouraging the use of bicycles (linking sports centres to local cycle
    path networks, setting up safe places to park bicycles at sports facilities
    etc.)
  • making buses and trains more attractive as a means of transport during
    leisure time (routes, timetables, fares, possibilities for transporting
    sports equipment) etc.
  • improving hiring and storage facilities for sports equipment at the
    place of destination
  • increasing the awareness of those doing sports (coaches and instructors
    setting an example, lift-sharing etc.)

3.5 Sports equipment

The growth of sport and its continuing diversification into new kinds
of activity, particularly in the 1980s, led to an explosion in the market
for sports articles. Sports articles today consist of mass products.

Environmental damage can occur at any stage of the life cycle of a sports
article, namely during the acquisition of raw materials, preproduction,
actual production of the article, sales, use and disposal. Until now,
so-called end-of-pipe strategies have been predominant in the sports article
industry: these strategies focus on the subsequent reduction of pollution
that has already occurred.

The development of new sports equipment revolves almost solely around
aspects of function and fashion. Environmental aspects play a role only
in exceptional cases. For the sake of greater functionality in sports
articles, materials are often used which cause substantial ecological
damage even at the time of manu-facture, or which cause problems at the
latest when they are disposed of. The latter applies particularly to so-called
composite materials, which as a rule cannot be recycled back into the
original materials.

Supply and demand influence each other in the sports article industry
too. On the one hand, the industry has adapted its products to the serious
changes in sports and leisure and responded to the consumer’s changed
preferences. On the other hand, the industry has helped to shape sports
trends and consumer behaviour by means of new and ever more spectacular
products. Against this background, marketing sports equipment without
paying heed to the environmental damage it causes and advertisements showing
behaviour that is damaging to nature and even, in some cases, unlawful
are particularly problematic.

A more environmentally aware approach in the sports article industry
should centre on preventative rather than simply corrective environmental
protection measures. Above all, this means giving (in the future) ecological
aspects high priority even at the product development stage. The main
aims should be to minimise negative environmental effects in the life
cycles of all products and to promote substance cycles. Here, the use
of recyclable materials is especially important as is unmixed production
and the easy separability of materials used.

It is not possible to create substance cycles simply through the activities
of sports equipment manufacturers. Instead, there must be very close cooperation
between manufacturers, suppliers and dealers. Such cooperation is an absolute
prerequisite for the production of recyclable products and the development
of a functional collection and recycling system.

The key steps towards greater environmental compatibility in the sports
article industry are as follows:

  • taking ecological aspects (longevity, reparability, recyclability)
    into account even at product development stage
  • elaborating life-cycle analyses for widespread sports articles
  • checking present possibilities for recycling or environment-friendly
    disposal of widespread sports articles
  • setting up a system for collecting and recycling sports equipment
    (when the necessary prerequisites exist)
  • no more depiction by the sports article industry (manufacturers and
    outlets) of environmentally damaging sports activities in their communication
    with consumers (advertising, PR etc.)
  • setting up functional environmental management systems in companies
    in the sports equipment sector
  • spreading information on environmentally sound sport via sports dealers.

3.6 Environmental education

Due to the speed at which our natural basis of life is changing, environmental
education has become one of the major future tasks of mankind. As far
back as 1977, UNESCO declared that environmental education should be an
allembracing, life-long process which actively involves individuals in
the solution of specific problems.

In sport too, the importance of the “future task of environmental
education” is now undisputed. Avoiding and reducing sports-related
environmental damage requires the active involvement of those who pursue
sports activities. Environmental education should both encourage environment-friendly
attitudes and habits among people doing sports and ensure that planning
and legal measures for the protection of the environment are widely accepted
by generating understanding among people doing sport.

Environmental issues have now become part of the curricula of numerous
sports organisations. The purpose of environment- related basic and further
training of, for example, instructors and coaches, is intended to lend
more weight to environmental education, also as part of the normal work
of clubs and associations. The same purpose is being pursued by producing
and disseminating information material among club and association members.

Although they represent only a certain proportion of the people pursuing
sports activities, sports organisations carry special responsibility as
far as environmental education is concerned. They should not only initiate
environmental education processes, even reaching beyond the circle of
their actual members, but should also be willing to impose constraints
upon themselves and to respect limits. Sports associations and clubs and
each individual instructor, coach and supervisor should also set an example
with respect to ecological issues.

Environmental education is one important approach towards resolving and
avoiding conflicts between environment and sport, but is insufficient
on its own. More attention should be paid to the fact that educational
effects can. be produced by the structure and framework within which the
respective sports activity is purr-sued. Thus, information and education
should in future be complemented by the creation of conditions which encourage
environment friendly behaviour, There is a wide variety of opportunities
here, including obliging members to share lifts for away matches, providing
containers for waste separation or installing safe facilities for parking
bicycles (cf. item 3.3 “Sports facilities”).

To summarise, the following steps are especially important for future,
successful environmental education in sport:

  • Drawing up and implementing to a greater extent overall concepts for
    environmental education in which theory and practice are closely linked
  • Putting in place the necessary structures for ensuring adequate and
    high­ quality environmental education
  • Testing models for influencing the environmental behaviour of non-organised
    sportsmen and sportswomen
  • Holding environment-related competitions in sports
  • Developing and implementing models for sport compatible with nature
    and the environment
  • Anchoring environmental communication more firmly in the work of associations
    and clubs and in the dialogue with broad sections of the population.

4. Summary and outlook

Sport can make its own important contribution towards bringing about
the model of sustainable development and thus to the implementation of
Agenda 21 in all countries. To achieve this, sports organisations and
others involved in sport must discuss this model intensively and anchor
it firmly in their work.

Rising numbers of users and the greater and more intense use of nature
and resources (land, energy, water etc.) have undeniably increased the
damage to nature and the environment by sport. At the same time, however,
the range of strategies and measures for avoiding and resolving conflicts
between sport and nature conservation and environmental protection, is
broader than often recognised. The coordinated combination of planning,
educational and legal measures promises to be particularly successful.

In the case of nature-based sports, emphasis should be placed in the
future on developing differentiated concepts for conservation and utilisation
with regard to nature and landscape; these concepts should involve the
adaptation of the type of sport to the features of the natural area. Vulnerable
areas should be kept free of harmful activities and sports activities
should be shifted to less vulnerable but nonetheless attractive landscape.
Legal measures should only be taken if the protection objective so requires
and other mechanisms do not function.

In built-up areas, the priority is to retain and expand areas near homes
for the purpose of physical activity, games and sport. A town offering
a good quality of life must offer ample scope for physical activity. When
sports facilities are built and operated, attention must be paid to the
careful and rational use of resources. In the case of existing sports
facilities, it appears that the potential for reducing energy and water
consumption is not yet exhausted. In the process of planning and setting
up new sports facilities, environmental factors should be ranked higher
than in the past.

Sport is responsible for a significant proportion of all leisure traffic.
Shortening necessary routes by providing facilities near homes is thus
an important starting point for bringing about changes, So far, the main
means of transport for those involved in sports has been the car. The
environmental damage caused by this is often underestimated. It is therefore
extremely important to develop and increase the popularity of more environment-friendly
forms of mobility.

Today, sports articles only very rarely satisfy the conditions for ecological
product design. Thus it is hardly possible to achieve closed substance
cycles. As closed substance cycle management is a central element of sustainable
development, it is also necessary to make changes in this field.

In the search for solutions all parties involved must cooperate. This
concerns above all sports and nature conservation, commercial sports,
politics and administration, trade and industry. Without the constructive
collaboration of these groups, it will hardly be possible to find effective
and generally accepted solutions. It is vital that the group concerned
in each case become involved at an early stage in the search for solutions
to the conflict. However, the active participation of each individual
person pursuing sports activities is also necessary. Thus environment-related
information campaigns among people doing sport should be continued and,
where appropriate, expanded.

2015-03-20T09:06:17-05:00January 10th, 2004|Sports Facilities, Sports Management|Comments Off on Sports and the Environment: Ways towards achieving the sustainable development of sport

Olympic Education

1 Introduction

“Olympic education” is a term which first appeared in sports education and Olympic research only in the 1970s (cf, N. MOLLER 1975b). Does “Olympic education” mean the revival of the educational ideals of ancient Greece, or is its purpose merely to bring credibility to the marketing of Olympic symbols? The question must be answered in terms of principles, and the answer ranges deep into the history and concept of the modern Olympic Movement. Its founder, the Frenchman Pierre DE COUBERTIN (1863-1937), saw himself first and foremost as an educator, and his primary aim was educational reform (cf, RIOUX 1986). His aim, initially restricted to France and the French schools, was to make modern sport an integral part of the school routine, and so introduce into that routine a sports education which would embrace both body and mind. He had learned from modern sport in England, and especially from his knowledge of public school education at Rugby, that the moral strength of the young can be critically developed through the individual experience of sporting activity and extended from there to life as a whole. COUBERTIN did not use the term “Olympic education”, but referred initially to “sporting education”, and indeed that was the title of the book he published in 1922, Pedagogie sportive. Since as early as 1900, and not exclusively within schools, he had been encouraging the idea of making sport accessible to adolescents and even to older people as a newly discovered part of a complete education (cf. COUBERTIN 1972).

2 Peace education as a starting point

As a young man, in 1892, COUBERTIN had had the idea of renewing the ancient Olympic Games, which duly took place in Athens in 1896. Whereas his educational aspirations had additionally been confined to France, the success of these first Olympic Games marked, for COUBERTIN, the internationalization of his educational visions, where his main priority at first was the idea of “peace among nations”. In his early writings, he refers to international sporting encounters as “the free-trade system of the future” (COUBERTIN 1967, 1), seeing the participating athletes as “ambassadors of peace” (COUBERTIN 1891), even though by his own admission he still had to take care, at the time of the founding of the IOWA in 1894, not to say too much about this, not wanting – as he says in a document that has come down to us – to ask too much of sportsmen or to frighten the pacifists. With his ideas of peace, however, COUBERTIN associated an ethical mission which, then as now, was central to the Olympic Movement and – if it were to succeed – had to lead to political education. On the threshold of the 20th century, COUBERTIN tried to bring about enlightened internationalism by cultivating a non-chauvinistic nationalism (cf, QUANZ 1995). It is precisely the relationship between nationalism and international peace – a one-sided one hitherto, because invariably regarded as a contradiction in terms – that forms the challenging peace ethos and fascination of Olympism. From the beginning, COUBERTIN’s sights were set upon an interplay between nations united by enthusiasm for peace and an internationalism that would set a ceremonial seal on their peaceful ambitions. In these ambitions he was influenced by his paternal friend Jules SIMON. SIMON had been a co-founder of the Interparliamentary Union, established in Paris in 1888, and the International Peace Bureau, founded in 1892 (cf, QUANZ 1995, 170 et seq. ). COUBERTIN’s plans thus extended from the outset beyond the organizing of Olympic Games every four years. He wanted mankind in the 20th century to experience sport in the harmonious interplay of physical and intellectual skills, so that – set in an artistic, aesthetic frame – it would make an important contribution to human happiness. The participants in the Olympics were, to COUBERTIN, the models of a young generation that changed every four years.

3 “Religio athletae” as an anthropological foundation

The question of the content and purpose of an “Olympic education” can only be answered if we consider COUBERTIN’s call for a contemporary application of the “religio athletae” (cf. NISSIOTIS 1987). COUBERTIN advocated the knowledge of Greek and other European philosophy. The return to antiquity was his starting point, though with the option of adapting it to the modern age as far as possible. COUBERTIN was an eclectic: he read a little of everything, hunted out subjects that interested him and so formed his own opinion. He engaged in a continuous “dialogue” with the events of his age, from which he formed his “Olympic ideal”. Three aspects played an important part in this:

(1) COUBERTIN’s age no longer had any schools of philosophy of its own. HEGEL had been the last proponent of an all-embracing philosophical system. COUBERTIN followed HEGEL in his ideas about the application of philosophy to life, actions and morals. (2) The social issue came to a head in that period with the ideas of Karl MARX and the Russian October Revolution of 1917; previously, COUBERTIN had already absorbed the ideas of the French social reformer Frederic LE PLAY and the English historian Arnold TOYNBEE. COUBERTIN himself considered himself to be travelling a road between idealism and social philosophy towards a new realism, with romantic overtones, which had displaced the philosophy of positivism and become established as a “new science” within the universities. (3) The spirit of internationalism, or universalism as it was not infrequently known, went hand in hand with the development of the mass media and transport and telecommunications links. World exhibitions (Paris 1889 and 1900, St. Louis 1904) promoted international exchange and comparisons.

As COUBERTIN saw it, this new world called for a comprehensive worldwide “philosophy”, which could better be described as an “ideology” (MALTER 1969). The Dominican friar Henri DIDON, probably the strongest influence on COUBERTIN apart from SIMON, introduced him to the spirit of ecumenism propagated by his Order (cf, N. MOLLER 1996b). This was the origin of COUBERTIN’s idea of universalism, to which by syncretic transfiguration he gave the name of “Olympism”. But COUBERTIN’s postulate was and remained Greek philosophy. He was a philhellene (cf. MOLLER 1986). As a result, his ideas were at odds both with the non-philosophical aspects of antiquity and with modern European philosophy. In his view, Greek philosophy was not a theory of life but life itself. In his reconstruction of COUBERTIN’s ideas, the Greek religious philosopher NISSIOTIS points out that, according to COUBERTIN, the right “mean” arose from an unending struggle between the upholders of principles and their detractors (1987, 133-6). Values as such were therefore unattainable extremes for most philosophers, and the same applied to the Olympic ideals. But those ideals were to be set up by a conscious effort as something to be striven for. It was from this basic concept that COUBERTIN then developed his “sporting ontology” (NISSIOTIS 1987, 138). Instead of the word “sport”, however, COUBERTIN often uses the term “athletics”. Sport as he sees it is not something innate in man: rather the athlete pursues the Greek athlos, meaning the prize awarded after the contest. The athlete, then, needed instinct, character and movement. These formed the essentials of the perfect man, the “homme sportif” (cf NISSIOTIS 1987, 139). In this version of anthropology, muscular strength is linked to strength of will – in other words, the athlete must consciously make a sacrifice and not merely indulge in the unthinking exercise of strength. It is man’s striving to go higher and farther that is what makes him man in the first place. According to COUBERTIN, then, man is not what he is but what he can become. If man could be defined, that would be the end of him, so that he must always look ahead to see what comes next (cf NISSIOTIS 1987, 139). This definition is basically a contradiction in terms, since it denies the possibility of defining man; so it is not so much an attempt at a definition as a new style of “philosophy”, an “explosive philosophy of life” (NISSIOTIS 1987,140).

4 Coubertin’s Olympism between education and ideology

From Olympism to Olympic education

COUBERTIN says, “Athletics and the Olympic Games are the manifestation of the cult of the human being, mind and body, emotion and conscience. Will and conscience, because these are the two despots that fight for domination, the conflict between them often tearing us cruelly apart, because we must achieve an equilibrium” (1986b, Vol. 2, 418). 15 It was for this reason that COUBERTIN was unwilling to provide an unambiguous definition of Olympism, but calls upon us to reflect on the meaning and value of the human body. Olympism is the entire collection of values which, over and above physical strength, are developed when we participate in sport (cf. MALTER 1996). 16 This principle contains the basics of a modern theory of sport education on an anthropological basis (cf. GRUPE 1968; 1984a; 1985; MEINBERG 1987; 1991b). It is from COUBERTIN that we have the following paraphrase of the word “Olympism”: “Olympism combines, as in a halo, all those principles which contribute to the improvement of mankind” (1917, 20). COUBERTIN’s “Olympism” is therefore aimed at all people, irrespective of age, occupation, race, nationality or creed. Its general characteristic is that it brings together all men of good will, provided that they take their commitment to humanity seriously. It is, in Hans LENK’s phrase, “multi-tolerant”, allowing no ideological conflicts to arise (1972d, 17). “Olympic education” endeavours to provide a universal education or development of the whole human individual, in contrast to the increasingly specialized education encountered in many specialized disciplines. Consequently, it can only be based on the fundamental values of the human personality. COUBERTIN understood the Olympic Games as being the four-yearly “celebration of the universal human spring” (1986b, Vol. 2, 288). It followed that both participants and spectators had to be prepared for the festival. His concept of the process of training the Olympic athlete was based on the following pyramid principle: “In order for 100 people to develop their bodies it is necessary for 50 to practice a sport, and in order for 50 to practice a sport it is necessary for 20 to specialize; but in order for 20 to specialize it is necessary for 5 to be capable of outstanding achievement” (1986b, Vol. 1, 436). Thus, the “sports education” propagated by COUBERTIN encompassed all young people and the population at large insofar as its members included sport in their search for the experience personelle. He saw no contradiction here with his Olympic idea and Movement, since he had from the outset combined his educational and organization aims. Back in 1897, at the second Olympic Congress in Le Havre, those attending had been surprised to find themselves dealing not with details of future Olympic Games but with the propagation of sport and physical education in schools. Even in the aftermath of the unsuccessful 1900 and 1904 Olympic Games, COUBERTIN used the 3rd Olympic Congress of 1905 in Brussels to discuss models for the practice of sport and physical education in schools and other areas of life. After the breakthrough eventually achieved by the Olympic Games at Stockholm in 1912, COUBERTIN ventured to take on the universities, with a 1913 Congress in Lausanne on “Psychology and physiology in sport”. Although this was asking too much of his IOC colleagues, concerned only with international sporting relations and the four-yearly Olympic Games, this was yet another demonstration of his more ambitious educational mission and his independence (cf. N. MOLLER 1983). “We must reach the masses” (COUBERTIN 1986b, Vol.2, 389) was the motto with which he reacted to the impression made by social revolution. Consistently, he said in 1918, “It cannot be enough that this pedagogie Olympique – of which I recently said that it is based simultaneously on the cult of physical effort and the cult of harmony – in other words, on the taste for excess combined with moderation – should have the opportunity to be celebrated in the eyes of the whole world every four years. It also needs its permanent production facilities” (1966, 66). This quotation contains COUBERTIN’s first reference to “Olympic education”; clearly, he was at this time’convinced of the need for, and the conceptual strength of, his complex educational ideal. Away from his home country, he used the Olympic Movement for an international Olympic education network. When he wrote in November 1918 that “Olympism is not a system but an attitude of mind”, he called at the same time for the consistent pursuit of an “Olympic education” (1966, 65) in contrast to the traditional educational models which, in his eyes, were alien to sport. In 1921, when COUBERTIN tried to extend an urgently needed technical Olympic Congress in Lausanne to include a parallel event on sports education for the workforce, he failed to gain the support of a majority on the IOC. COUBERTIN pursued many schemes outside the IOC designed to create examples of such “production facilities” (cf N. MOLLER 1975b). Before the First World War had ended, he had founded an Olympic Institute in Lausanne, offering practical education in sport and more general subjects to interned Belgian and French prisoners of war. He repeatedly called for the building of urban sports centres on the model of the “gymnasia of antiquity”, and stressed the democratic role of sports clubs in which, he said, inequality between men did not exist (COUBERTIN 1986b, Vol. 3, 592 et seq. ). His programme of Olympic education comprised including sport as a matter of course in the daily routine, to give the individual the opportunity “to adapt the good and bad qualities in his nature to the exercise of sport” (1966, 97) and to orient his life in accordance with this experience. The public at large, as he proclaimed in his 1925 speech taking his leave of the Presidency of the IOC, should not be expected to indulge in the noisy worship of sporting idols without participating in sport themselves (1966, 111). He devoted the remainder of his life exclusively to new educational schemes. In November 1925, he founded the Union Pedagogique Universelle in Lausanne, which would hold conferences, seminars and other events connected with the educational mandate of the modern city. He also drafted a Charter of Educational Reform (1986b, Vol. 1, 636 et seq.), which in 1930 was passed through the League of Nations in Geneva to all Ministries of Education – without, of course, receiving any significant response (cf. N. MOLLER 1975a, 75-9). As a specific counter to the decline of sport as a significant factor in education, COUBERTIN in 1926 launched – again from Lausanne – the Bureau International de Pedagogie sportive (cf. N. MOLLER 1975a, 79 et seq.), which published an annual bulletin and a number of books, including COUBERTIN’s Olympic Memories and a new edition of his Pedagogie sportive. All of this passed almost unnoticed by the public, although COUBERTIN wrote more than I 100 articles and 30 books (cf. MOLLER and SCHANZ 1991). Even within the IOC, COUBERTIN was able to recruit only a handful of enthusiasts, and often criticized the leaders of the sports world as being technical consultants rather than defenders of the Olympic spirit. The educational aspect of the Olympic ideal only became public knowledge during the protracted debate about amateurism. For COUBERTIN, this very question was of no more than secondary importance: looking back, one might believe that the Olympic Movement spent all those years using this problem as a demonstration of its high ethical standards, in the same way as the doping problems of the present day. COUBERTIN thought differently: he was interested in the inner, moral, responsible attitude of the athlete to which the “Olympic education” was to contribute. As a repository of his educational efforts, COUBERTIN during his lifetime expressed the desire for a Centre d’etudes olympiques, which in fact came into being in Berlin between 1938 and 1944 under the control of Carl DIEM, using funds provided by the Reich (N. MOLLER 1975a, 108-1 1).

Reception of COUBERTIN’s educational concept

The International Olympic Academy (IOA), which has steadily developed at ancient Olympia since1961 as the main centre of Olympic education, professes a comprehensive commitment to COUBERTIN’s mandate (N. MOLLER 1995b). It is surprising to see how this educational programme has survived over so many years despite widespread incomprehension of its fundamental ideas. It is surprising, too, to see the various ways and forms in which this commitment finds expression today in so many countries and continents, in line with the Olympic tradition and the current status of sports education. The seventy National Olympic Academies (NOAs) which have sprung up since 1966 have in various ways given a new emphasis to the Olympic concept in schools and universities and among the public (cf. N. MOLLER 1994; 1997b), although their substance has often been masked by structural issues.

  • The IOC Charter, in force since September 11, 2000, refers on several occasions to the content and form of Olympic education:
  • Even in the Fundamental Principles which introduce the Charter (Article 2) reference is made to the blending of sport with culture and education as the foundation of Olympism.
  • The Olympic Movement aims to contribute to building a peaceful and better world, especially through sports education (Article 6).
  • The IOC is committed to the sporting ethic and particularly fair play (Rules 2,6.-7), and, to that end, supports the IOA and other institutions dedicated to “Olympic education” (Rules 2, 14-15).
  • The IOC Charter obliges the National Olympic Committees to promote Olympism in all areas ofeducation and, for example, to adopt independent initiatives for “Olympic education” through national Olympic Academies (Rule 31, 2. 1).

For many years, the Cold War overshadowed the Olympic Games and – like the First and Second World Wars before it – posed endless new challenges to the Olympic ideal of peace. The manipulation of the Olympic Games for political ends, especially in the case of the boycotts at Montreal 1976, Moscow 1980 and Los Angeles 1984, cast doubt on the Olympic ideals and, at the same time, highlighted the need for Olympic education. Prompted by the successful efforts of the IOA, the National Olympic Committees recognized the need to begin “Olympic education” at the grass roots, partly to testify to the credibility of the Olympic Movement in the face of increasing commercialization. The efforts of the IOA, organizing some one hundred thousand people to participate in about eight hundred seminars and conferences between 1961 and 1998 on a very wide range of subjects relating to Olympism, have provided important stimuli for efforts in the field of Olympic education in many countries since the 1970s. The National Olympic Academy of the German NOC was founded in 1966 under the name Kuratorium Olympische Akademie. In addition to specialist conferences, the Kuratorium has organized school and university competitions on Olympic subjects since 1984, and has since 1988 developed multi-disciplinary Olympic education programmes through its specialist educational committees. Since 1986, education in fair play has been prescribed as an essential aspect of an Olympic education, the target group including not only schools but also, especially, sports clubs and associations, and the general public as well. Well-attended teacher training seminars run by the Kuratorium Olympische Academie with the support of the education ministers and schools senators of the German Lander to broadcast the idea of Olympic education with particular emphasis on fair play show not only that teachers are keenly interested in projects relating to the Olympic Movement but that the world of the Olympic Games is one that repays the long-term involvement of both teachers and pupils. The Olympic Movement is an educational mission which is becoming increasingly topical as a result of media coverage. The fact that its values may seem unattainable does not mean that the idea is obsolete or misguided. Olympism contains visions which offer an ever-changing field of opportunity to athletes and everyone else concerned.

5 Olympism as part of the school curriculum

Among COUBERTIN’s copious body of writings is an essay entitled “L’Olympisme A l’ecole. Il faut l’encourager!” (1934). In it, COUBERTIN expresses his preoccupations at the end of his life. It is of little use to schools today to offer COUBERTIN’s interpretation of Olympism as an educational subject without practical examples. In particular, his much-quoted philosophical retrospective of 1935 entitled “The philosophical principles of modern Olympism” can only be understood by picturing this value structure of Olympic education as the end product of a process that continued over many years. If we are to answer the question of what Olympism can mean in educational terms and what an “Olympic education” can contain, we must seek a starting point, once again, in COUBERTIN, since nothing has been done since his time to revise its content. The IOC Charter adopted COUBERTIN’s principles to that effect. This makes sense, since otherwise there was a danger of exaggerated adaptation of those principles to the spirit of the age. In the case of the Olympic Movement, too, there is the danger that external forms will completely overwhelm issues of content. On the other hand, in the attempt to implement the Olympic ideal in school curricula, there is no circumventing topical issues and problems of the Olympic Games, since they are familiar to the pupils. So the Olympic ideal as COUBERTIN’s educational vision must be retained, but it must also be continuously reviewed and revised.

The topicality of “Olympic education ” in schools on the beginning of the 21″ century

Under this heading we can group the following six features of an “Olympic education”, all of which can be traced back to COUBERTIN’s philosophical legacy:

(1) The concept of harmonious development of the whole human being; (2) The idea of striving for human perfection through high performance, in which scientific and artistic achievement must take equal rank with sporting performance; (3) Sporting activity voluntarily linked to ethical principles such as fair play and equality of opportunity, and the determination to fulfil those obligations; also included is the ideal of amateurism, which has been almost totally abandoned in international sport today; (4) The concept of peace and goodwill between nations, reflected by respect and tolerance in relations between individuals; (5) The promotion of moves towards emancipation in and through sport.

These educational conclusions, derived from COUBERTIN’s writings, appear at first sight somewhat theoretical and problematical for a practical programme in schools. They will be discussed in more detail below (cf N. MOLLER 1996a; GRUPE 1997a, 1997b).

The concept of harmonious development of the whole human being

The education of the young focuses not only on the mind and intellect but also on the body. “Olympic education”, then, means both physical and mental education. It endeavours to make children and young people aware that the lifelong pursuit of sport is an enrichment and necessary complement to other endeavours, in order to develop and sustain a fulfilling sense of identity. This is the starting point for the ideas and activities making up “Sport for All”. What COUBERTIN wanted for Europe at the end of the 19th century – physical education as a mandatory part of school education for boys and girls – has not yet become a reality in 50 of the world’s countries, according to UNESCO statistics. In the remainder, the issue is the importance of school sport by comparison with the “academic disciplines” and ways of improving its quality and quantity. School sports days, for example, are an important part of the experience of school pupils, particularly as regards fostering the sense of community. Just as the Olympic Games provide a model on the global scale, so too school sports days, if they are properly planned and run, become educationally important landmarks in school life. This is particularly true of comparative competitions within the framework of the Olympic development programme. This offers a particularly good opportunity to act on COUBERTIN’s call for the involvement of art and music as an aesthetic setting for sporting competition, with a view to perfecting the ideal of harmony.

The idea of human perfection

Every human being, and every school pupil, wants to do his best, and sport – especially the Olympic Games – provides a documentary record of supreme human achievement. A comparable academic area is the awarding of the Nobel Prizes, whereas the arts are unsuitable for such objective yardsticks. The achievement of new personal bests and the desire to compete with fellow pupils reflects a natural endeavour on the part of the individual, encouraging others to emulate him. Top-level Olympic achievement and optimum sporting achievement at all other levels encourage young people, too, to excel themselves, not to be content with the average or a past performance, and to set an example. This principle is often contested today, and it can only be credibly maintained if this form of human perfection is achieved by honest, independent means. Manipulation and interference with the natural development of the young (genetic engineering, growth inhibition, etc.) exploit them instead of contributing to their “self-perfection” in the human sense. COUBERTIN constantly urged, “Ne troubler pas l’equilibre des saisons! “, because even in the early years of this century he regarded premature specialization as a serious danger to the educationally appropriate development of children in accordance with their age. “Olympic education” is intended for all, including “poor students” and the handicapped. Article 2 of the IOC Charter says that Olympism aims to further a lifestyle in which the pleasure of physical achievement plays an important part. So the experiencing of achievement, in the Olympic sense, contributes to the development of the personality of any athlete, not just those at the top level.

The voluntary commitment to ethical principles in sporting activity

None of the Olympic values is better understood in sport than the concept of fair play, for which COUBERTIN always used the French term esprit chevaleresque. Even though Olympism is based on the culture of the Christian West, and hence that of Europe, comparable ethical values also form the foundation of human life and coexistence in other religions and social systems, too. In an “Olympic education”, the utmost importance must be attached to the pursuit of sport on the basis of fair competition. Students must learn, not only in their own sporting activities but also in the critical reflection of other disciplines:

  • that rules in sports and games (and in life, too) must not be broken;
  • to practice fair play, so as to train their characters for all areas of life;
  • and to use fair play in sport to improve the personal worlds in which they live, so that the pressures of the school routine (and later the working routine) play no part.

But it is not appropriate to appoint supervisors to monitor all this, within a concept oriented towards education; the need is for a voluntary commitment and a personal endorsement of fair play. For most participants in the Olympics, this ideal no longer exists, nor does the Olympic Charter now make provision for it. In many countries, especially the less industrially developed ones, top-level sport has in many cases remained the preserve of amateurs. “Olympic education” can teach the lesson that sport, for the majority of those who pursue it, has not lost its meaning as the striving after perfection in the traditional sense of amateur sport. The influence of business and the media has gone too far if it reaches a point where sportsmen become a “property” and lose their personal freedom. This aspect of the old amateur ideal is still relevant and educationally important.

Peace and harmony between nations

Apart from fair play, the Olympic value to which most attention is paid today is the idea of peace. Olympic internationalism can be taught in many ways as part of an “Olympic curriculum”; it encompasses the following aspects:

  • it seeks to promote understanding of the specific cultural features of other nations and continents;
  • it seeks to help familiarize people with the forms of sport played by others;
  • it seeks to improve familiarity with the cultures of those countries which organize the Olympic Games;
  • and it endeavours to assist and promote internationally sporting contacts and personal contacts between individuals.

Almost all schools in Germany have highly multiracial student bodies. This is a microcosm of an extensive field of action, because sport speaks all languages. Olympism, as a part of world culture, is unaffected by financial resources, colour or creed. The Olympic Games are the greatest of all peaceful global gatherings, taking place every four years. COUBERTIN’s idea of peace education as a core area of Olympism is more real today than ever.

Promotion of trends to emancipation in and through sport

To be credible, the Olympic Movement today is committed to a substantially emancipatory approach. Taking as its starting point COUBERTIN’s guiding principle of “all games, all nations”, it stands for equal rights not only among nations but also among sports, not just equal rights for all races but equal rights for both sexes. While the protection of the environment is becoming an increasingly important commitment for all applicants to host the Olympic Games, the Olympic programme – and, as a result, equality between forms of sport – are increasingly being called into question by the issue of telegenicity. Transposed to the school environment, there are some important educational lessons here: tolerance for the opposite sex, acceptance of the most varied forms of physical education and competitive sport, and the development of the pupils’ sense of responsibility within and through sport.

Forms of practical implementation

The ability to bring the many different aspects of “Olympic education” into the school environment calls for consideration of all school disciplines. Apart from sports education, which is determined not only by club sport but also by the early practical experience of children and the young, the main focus in elementary schools is on general knowledge, art, music, German and (where provided) religious education. At secondary school level, the curriculum is broadened to include social sciences, history, biology and foreign languages. Topics relevant to the Olympic Movement can be dealt with in different ways in the various disciplines, though a better way is to present them as a multidisciplinary educational project (or part of one). An Olympic exhibition is another way of stimulating interest within the school community, as was demonstrated by the poster series “100 Years of the Olympic Games” produced by the German NOC in 1996. The interest taken by schoolchildren will be particularly strong in the weeks preceding the Summer and Winter Olympics, and during the period of the actual Olympic Games. The six-to-twelve-year-old age group can be particularly highly motivated by Olympic themes. The involvement of pupils in a reasoned development of opinions on problems confronting the Olympic Movement is desirable as pupils get older, in view of extensive television consumption. This may be a way of reaching a consensus on the Olympic values which pupils should endorse.

The Olympic Games as an event and educational model

GESSMANN, among others, emphasizes that “Olympic education” must be capable of the most positive association possible with the Olympic Games as an event. This is not self-evident, since the public – in view of the violations of the Olympic philosophy and the tangle of political, commercial and drug-related intrigue surrounding top-level sport -perceives the Olympic Games as an event that is rarely exemplary and is not to be taken seriously educationally. The negative examples cannot basically erase the validity of Olympic values as an educational idea. Ideals are never completely achieved – there are always compromises. So the battle for meaning has to be constantly re-thought. What educational models can be created by the Olympic Games as an event? People of all nations come together, some as competitors and others as spectators, in the utmost spirit of friendship. Through the media, the Olympic family at the venue of the Games becomes the symbol of the Olympic concept of universalism. The great achievements of the participants symbolize the striving and achievement of all humanity. If this symbol is also associated with fair play and mutual respect, the athletes set an example of successful coexistence between people in critical situations. The ceremonial character of the Olympic Games gives their achievements particular significance. It is in this context that the Olympic Games, as an event, must be critically considered and put to educational use (cf. GESSMANN 1992). This also avoids the risk of reducing “Olympic education” to nothing more than improved sports education (SCHANTZ 1996), although some aspects of the values described above are traditionally inherent in the teaching of sport and can be effective in sports education even without any Olympic reference. An “Olympic curriculum” must highlight what is specifically Olympic and, over and above historical considerations, involve COUBERTIN’s ideals in a contemporary form. These educational fundamentals are what has characterized the Olympic Movement and the Olympic Games to date, raising them high above the status of world championships (cf. N. MOLLER 1991).

6 The future of an “Olympic education”

Television links the general public to Olympia every two years. Exerting an Olympic education influence on the public is something that can only succeed through the media. The media, however, are under pressure to achieve high advertising figures, and their intentions are hardly educational. This makes the role of top-class athletes as models even more important if “Olympic education” is to succeed. This also applies to coaches, doctors and officials. But only if the Olympic athletes are involved can the standards be given a binding quality. Both in their actual sporting activities and in their public pronouncements on fair play, top-class athletes show a sense of commitment to a “sporting ethic” and hence to the basic values of Olympism. This opens up a broad field for potential activities, such as Olympic discussion sessions and spare-time lectures during the months of training. The future is not without hope. The much-prophesied abandonment of Olympism and hence of the “Olympic education” has not come about, nor are there any signs that it will do so. We must speak more about the “Olympic future”, and to do that we have a vital need for “Olympic education”, especially after Sydney 2000 with wonderfull examples of the Australians (1997b, 62). Anyone who thinks in terms of perfectionism and makes the total achievement of his aims a basic condition, has failed to understand COUBERTIN and his Olympism.

2016-10-12T14:42:50-05:00January 6th, 2004|Sports Facilities, Sports Management|Comments Off on Olympic Education

Sport in Cuba: Before and After the “Wall” Came Down

Before 1959 the Cuban state made little contribution to the development of sport. In 1955 the Batista government would not fund the Cuban team’s attendance at the Pan American Games, and in 1957 and 1958 only 1.75 million pesos, or 0.5% of the total budget, was spent on sport. Sport in Cuba was characterized by limited facilities which were unavailable to most of the population. Most athletic equipment was imported from the United States. Physical education and sport were almost unknown in schools, and there were few qualified physical education teachers. Equality of opportunity in terms of participation did not exist, and participation tended to reflect the gender, racial, and class divisions that characterized Cuban society before 1959. Hence access to sport was almost exclusively restricted to wealthy, white males (Petavino & Pye, 1996).

]Castro and Sport[

Fidel Castro came to power in 1959, with overwhelming public support. Cuba’s economy was near to collapse, as it had been developed simply to satisfy American tourists, investors, and gamblers, not the Cuban people. Castro’s first act was to seize American assets without compensation. This enraged the United States and triggered economic retribution. Castro found a new partner in the Soviet Union, whose ideological and financial support he accepted. From the Soviet model of government, Castro adapted a centralized, bureaucratic political system, which he imposed on the Cuban people (Sugden, 1996). As a consequence of Cuba’s alignment with the Soviet Union and its socialist allies, Cuban trade with socialist countries expanded and  with capitalist countries diminished.

The United States severed diplomatic links with Cuba on 3 January 1961. Unhappy at having a socialist country 80 miles south of Florida, President John Kennedy promoted the destabilization of Cuba. The Central Intelligence Agency in the United States recruited 1,400 anti-Castro Cubans who had fled north and gave them military training. On 17 April 1961, they invaded Cuba at the Bay of Pigs, or Playa Giron, in the south of the island. Aiming to overthrow Castro, they were repulsed, and the invasion galvanized the Cuban people’s support for Castro. A further conflict with the United States ensued on 22 October 1962, when President Kennedy announced that the Pentagon had observed a buildup of military activity in Cuba. Surveillance aircraft had spotted a Soviet convoy heading to Cuba with a cargo of atomic weapons, so the U.S. Navy was mobilized to prevent the missiles reaching Cuba. Confrontation was avoided, however, as Kennedy eventually reached agreement with Nikita Khrushchev, the Soviet premier. Kennedy remained concerned about the threat from Cuba, however, so he ordered the Central Intelligence Agency to increase efforts against Cuba and its leader. As a consequence, there were several attempts to assassinate Castro. The United States tightened the economic embargo as well, and trade between the countries was prohibited in an additional attempt to destabilize Cuba.

There was also internal unrest in Cuba during this period, such as a particularly fierce campaign waged in the Escambray Mountains until 1965, when those rebels who remained were defeated. As part of a campaign to deter further uprisings, neighborhood Committees for the Defense of the Revolution (Comités de Defensa de la Revolución) were established and are still visible on every street or block of flats. With the help of the Soviet Union, schools were built, clinics were opened, and education and health became widely available to all Cubans. Generally, wealth was diverted from urban to rural areas, and the standard of housing was improved. In comparison with other developing countries, poverty, disease, and illiteracy were virtually eradicated (Calder & Hatchwell, 1996).

Initially, Castro was unclear as to the political direction that Cuba should take (CBS, 1996). However, due to an uncooperative United States, which with its allies imposed a trade embargo, Castro aligned the country towards the Soviet Union. The Soviet Union was only too willing to have an ally to the south of the United States at a time when diplomatic relations were strained. In response, the Soviet Union subsidized the Cuban economy, and Cuba established its republic on a socialist model. Sugden (1996) argued that in the early years, Castro’s regime was more “popularist than orthodox communist” (p. 137). According to Sugden, it was

a model which emphasised collective goals over individual freedoms, the dictatorship of the proletariat over democracy, and a command economy over market forces. It was justified by a Marxist-Leninist ideological principle that true communism had to be dragged from the womb of capitalism and, in its infancy, nurtured by a cadre of committed and informed revolutionaries who would seize the apparatus of the state and use it for the benefit of the people until such a stage that the economic and social foundations for genuine collectivism had been securely laid. (p. 136)

The model would have its effect on Cuban sport.  The organization of Cuba’s government “according to notions of Marxist-Leninist democratic centralism, with decision making centralised at the national level” meant a centralized policy-making and funding apparatus “in all areas including sport” (Petavino & Pye, 1996, p. 117). Sport now became a means of displaying antagonism towards the United States and a vehicle for confirming solidarity with the Soviet Union.

The new Cuban system of sport was not necessarily a copy of the Soviet system, but the infrastructure of Cuban sports is unmistakably Soviet. Cuba is a socialist dictatorship and is structured along the lines of the Eastern European countries which collapsed after 1989. Once established in power, Castro reformed all aspects of Cuban society, including sport. In this respect, Cuba and its sporting success became a “shop window” for the display of superior socialist values (Petavino & Pye, 1996; Pickering, 1980).

]INDER: Marxist Cuba’s Sport Ministry[

The body responsible today for the organization of sport in Cuba is the Instituto Nacional de Deportes, Educación Física y Recreación (INDER), which was established in February 1961, 2 years after Castro’s military victory. INDER built upon the work begun by the Ministry of Education, army, and General Sports Council. In effect, INDER became the ministry of sport and was bound up with central government and reflected its views (BBC, 1977). For Coghlan (1986), the system INDER adopted is the key to bringing mass sport and physical education and high-level performance to developing countries, and even some developed countries. (John Coghlan was deputy director of the Sports Council and made numerous ministerial visits to Cuba. He was commissioned by UNESCO, the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization, to write about ways to reduce sport and physical education disparities between developed and developing countries.) For others, the INDER system is too governmental, but while this may be a valid criticism, there is no doubt that sport prospers because government backing is forthcoming. In democracies, a centralized system will always be questioned in terms of the balance between collective goals and individual freedom.

The limited sport tradition in Cuba prior to its revolution made the work of INDER difficult. Therefore, INDER initially planned to physically educate the population, from whose schools physical education had been virtually absent. Fitness has in many countries become a priority for governments at times of crisis; to ensure military survival, Cuba needed a physically fit nation. The need had been highlighted by the abortive invasion of Cuba at the Bay of Pigs and by the threat of war between the United States and the Soviet Union during the Cuban Missile Crisis, and it was not surprising that the Cuban government wanted to produce a physically fit nation ready to meet any foreign invasion and demonstrate the superiority of a socialist over a capitalist system. The army’s role was expanded as Cuba sought to extend its military influence overseas, especially in Africa, and Cuba today has a large standing army (as well as a comprehensive civilian militia). Sport in Marxist Cuba clearly involved ideological and military considerations, but there were also altruistic considerations. As in other developing countries, sport in Cuba has been linked to providing health education, fitness, and well-being for the whole population. Hampson (1980) reported, for example, that in 1961 INDER organized two large gymnastic/athletic displays involving 25,000 and 70,000 people, respectively, showcasing the new capacity of the population to demonstrate its fitness.

In order to stimulate participation and discover athletic talent, INDER organized the Ready to Win physical tests (Listas para Vencer, or LPV). With their fairly high militaristic content, these resembled the Soviet program for earning the “GTO (signifying ready for labor and defense) badge.” Cuba’s athletic examinations were established in 1961. By 1964 nearly 1 million people participated in the tests (Griffiths & Griffiths, 1979), although the socialist propaganda machine has no doubt exaggerated participation, in the same way that this was done in the Soviet Union (Hardman, 1996). John Coghlan thinks that, “the number of participants were probably falsified [because] sport was used as a tool for propaganda” (personal communication, June 2, 2003). In order to generate interest in these tests, the mass media provided television, radio, and press coverage, and the postal service issued a set of stamps illustrating the various tests. No prizes were awarded, but successful participants were awarded certificates and badges. In 1965, the LPV tables were revised, and more ambitious physical objectives were set out of concern to know the population’s physical efficiency not only as a reflection of sports participation, but also as a result of better nourishment and better public health.

The limited sport facilities in Cuba before 1953 were located in the capital, Havana. INDER wished to promote sport in rural areas, too, and so devised the “Plan of the Mountains,” a scheme to involve the rural population in sport. In 1963, the Escambray Mountains (located north of Trinidad, in the Las Villas province) were chosen for a pilot study. INDER representatives visited the rural towns and villages to determine the type of sport facilities required to increase participation. The administrators did not impose their own ideas; they asked rural citizens what facilities they would like, working with them on a plan. INDER’s study pointed out a wealth of untapped sport talent in the Escambray Mountains region, and 31 installations were built there (Hampson, 1980). Each installation was attached to a farm, consisting of an outdoor area or possibly a barn-type covered building. They were not complex sports centers by any means. John Coghlan (personal communication, June 2, 2003) notes that the simple facilities allowed playing of football, baseball, basketball, and volleyball, sports requiring little capital expenditure. The Cubans were attempting to resolve a problem unique to their situation: how to promote participation in sport with so few sport facilities.

As Coghlan (1986) notes, people, not facilities, ultimately make things work. Cuba also attended to training volunteers in sports administration and coaching. From each area in which a sports installation had been sited, two volunteers were selected for a course preparing them to increase sport participation in their community. They were taught the basic rules of sports as well as coaching fundamentals, how to develop interest in a sport, and how to organize competitions. The volunteers were largely responsible for the success of INDER’s plan, freely giving time to learn skills and, on their return from the courses, to lead and motivate the population. Also key to success were scholarship students returning from studying in East Germany and required to spend 6 months working in the Escambray Mountains. INDER’s initial success led to a further sport-promotion effort in the Sierra Maestra mountains, where 22 sport installations were constructed. The proliferation of such projects resulted in organization of an intermountain regional games, further promoting sport participation in rural areas and contributing to the success of the schemes (Hampson, 1980).

In 1964, in an attempt to provide more qualified physical education teachers, Castro launched a plan known as INDER-MINED. The plan symbolized the involvement of the state in organizing sport in socialist Cuba. Its particular aim was to provide a qualified physical education teacher for every Cuban elementary school. Hampson (1980) describes the 1964 INDER-MINED summer school attended by 26,000 elementary school teachers who were taught basic physical education activities. Later, an additional 14,500 teachers were retrained to teach physical education. Such an effort would have been impossible in a less centrally controlled country, but it was a commendable scheme and suggested the advances possible given the enthusiasm of the state and its power to encourage teachers’ involvement. Although some Cuban government claims have been shown to be fictional, the quality of physical education teaching was raised.

In 1966, another sport-participation campaign was launched, called the “Plan of the Streets.” Children 6–12 years of age were given the opportunity to play sports in the streets of towns and villages each Sunday from 0800 to 1300. To promote participation, INDER organized the Consejos Voluntarios del INDER, unpaid men and women orchestrating the street activities. The Plan of the Streets, according to John Coghlan, was

a very impressive scheme in which the volunteers came forward to assist children develop. Cubans felt that the revolution had taken place, and there was a great upsurge in pride in the country compared with the dead-beat awful situation that had existed in the country with Batista and the disgusting American regime. (personal communication, June 2, 2003)

Again, voluntary service in sport was a distinctive feature of sport  throughout Cuba. Because even governments having substantial power can only do so much, it was people who made it work.

Castro’s overarching strategy was to unite the population behind common sporting goals and also to use sport in establishing a shared national identity for his young nation. The Plan of the Mountains, INDER-MINED, and the Plan of the Streets all aimed at promoting “sport for all.” The government also thought that every person should be given the opportunity to achieve excellence in sport. As INDER argued, from this reservoir of participation, top international athletes would certainly emerge, to the glory of Cuba. Athletic talent identification would take place in Cuba’s schools. Pupils who were shown in school testing programs or through interscholastic competition to be the most promising performers would be sent to Escuelas de Iniciacion Deportiva Escolar (EIDE), or Schools for Initiation into Scholastic Sport. There are 30 such schools located around the island, boarding schools where student-athletes train and are monitored while also completing a typical school curriculum. Hampson (1980) describes in detail the impressive facilities at the EIDE at Holguín in southeastern Cuba. These include its own hospital and facilities for pediatric, dental, orthopedic, and psychological care (the school’s pupils also receive supplementary food rations to compensate for the expenditure of energy while training). Such facilities are indicative of the emphasis government places on developing athletes.

Yamilé Aldama, a Cuban international triple jumper, describes how her athletic talent was identified and led her to an EIDE:

I was playing games at school, and the teachers noticed that I was fast. So I went to a sports school at the age of 10. It was a boarding school and catered for all sports including chess! We did our academic work, but also trained for two to three hours each day. We also had doctors and sports psychologists to look after us. It was good fun. (personal communication, June 4, 2003)

Admission to an EIDE usually comes at age 12, although swimmers and gymnasts may enter at 8 or 9. The schools are primarily concerned with producing the sports elite providing the basis of Cuba’s national teams. The very best of the schools is the Lenin School, situated outside Havana. According again to John Coghlan,

It is very impressive. The elitism of the Lenin School is based on the interpretation of Marxism–that is the development of intellectual and physical ability. There is the best part of 4,000 students there, and the facilities are not lavish, but they are very adequate. The school day is similar to those developed at sports schools in the U.S.S.R., where they combined the development of academic and sporting excellence. The Lenin School is involved with the development of the intellectual and sporting elite. (personal communication, June 2, 2003)

The young student-athletes receive a general education like any other child; such students who do not perform academically may lose their place at sports school. Yamilé Aldama remembers, however, that “Good athletes who were not very good academically were given extra tuition to help them on their course” (personal communication, June 4, 2003). All pupils attending sports schools must maintain their athletic performance as well as a high academic level, and they must also show strong political commitment. After several years at an EIDE, very promising pupils graduate to the Escuelas Superior de Perfeccionamiento Atlético (ESPA), or High Schools of Athletic Perfection. There are 13 of these schools, 1 in each province plus 1 in Havana (Griffiths & Griffiths, 1979; Hampson, 1980). Typically, a student-athlete remains at school until age 19, when top athletes transfer to the national training center in Havana known as Sports City (Ciudad Deportiva) and serving as well as INDER headquarters. Athletes attending the national training center have a nominal occupation but are essentially full-time athletes. Other athletes follow up EIDE and ESPA with study at the University of Havana, where athletic training is accommodated by an extension of the number of years allowed for degree completion.

Alternatively, an EIDE/ESPA student can go on to become a specialist physical education teacher, studying for 5 years at the Escuela Provincial de Educación Física (EPEF), one of Cuba’s seven specialist institutes. The entrance requirements are completion of seventh grade (minimum age 13) and an interest in sport. The very best EPEF students can go on to study at Havana’s specialist physical education college, the Escuela Superior de Educación Física (ESEF), whose graduates are expected to initiate research in sports sciences, biological sciences, and teaching techniques and are furthermore expected to work in the community to raise the general level of physical and sport education. In the past Cuba sent its best athletes to study in the Soviet Union and East Germany. Between 1963 and 1985, 45 Cubans graduated from sport-related educational programs in other countries, 35 in the Soviet Union, 6 in East Germany, and 2 each in Bulgaria and Czechoslovakia.

INDER headquarters at Sports City is situated on Havana’s outskirts. It is a large complex, not unlike a national sports center in England or a sports facility on a U.S. university campus. It is dominated by a 12,000-seat indoor stadium; murals featuring Ché Guevara are everywhere around the building and on the walls of apartment blocks nearby (the Argentine revolutionary is regarded affectionately in Cuba). At Sports City  Cuba’s best athletes are given advanced sports coaching and all attention necessary for them to represent Cuba at international competitions (Griffiths & Griffiths, 1979).

INDER has readily acknowledged the support of other socialist countries (Soviet Union, Poland, Czechoslovakia, East Germany) for its efforts. The countries developed a system for exchange of expertise. In the period 1969–1972, more than 50 Soviet coaches helped train Cuban athletes for major international events. Initially, Cuban boxers were particularly successful, but it must be remembered that they compete with other countries’ amateur boxers; those countries’ best boxers fight professionally and are excluded from, for example, the Olympic Games. With time, Cuba also became successful in some sports more associated with developed countries: weight lifting, judo, and water-polo. During a 1976 visit to an EIDE on Cuba’s Isle of Pines (Isla de Pinos, renamed in 1978 as Isla de la Juventud), Pickering (1980) noted  priority was given to swimming, diving, water polo, canoeing, and sailing. The Cubans’ success in water sports is surprising, perhaps, as these are not traditionally associated with their culture. Ironically, as the country has no cycling velodrome, Cuban cyclists are very successful in the Pan American Games. This indicates that performance depends as much on commitment and determination as it does on expensive facilities.

What Cuba achieves in sport is, in fact, based on political philosophy, borrowed from Eastern European ideology integrating sport and politics. Successful development of sport by the Cubans must “be located in the political and social context” it occurred in (Griffiths & Griffiths, 1979, p. 260). In Cuba, sport is an integral part of political culture and is available to all. This is the case in most countries, to greater or lesser degrees, yet sport in Cuba, like sport in Eastern Europe, stands out as a “service to the people no more and no less than any other component of the culture” (Griffiths & Griffiths, 1979, p. 260).

]Cuban Sport in the 1990s: After the “Wall” Came Down[

The Cuban news media minimized events in the Soviet bloc between 1989 and 1992, for authorities were concerned that Cubans would follow that example and rise against communism. The Soviet Union, East Germany, and Czechoslovakia had ceased to exist. This radical power shift and the resulting economic chaos in Eastern Europe precluded further material support for Cuba from communist governments it had relied on (Riordan,1999); the $5 billion annual subsidy from the Kremlin evaporated. In Cuba, the economic effect of the changes in Europe was devastating. The United States was not inclined to lift the economic boycott, and it pressured its North Atlantic Treaty Organization allies to follow suit. Cuba began to suffer material shortages, and in 1990 Castro implemented an austerity package known as the “Special Period in Peacetime.” Energy conservation was a top priority: Power cuts became a feature of everyday life. Factories and offices closed, bus services were reduced, oxen and carts took the place of tractors, bicycles were imported from China, and rationing was introduced.

Washington increased the pressure on Cuba, introducing further sanctions in order to destabilize the country and its president. The U.S. Congress in 1992 approved the Torricelli bill that forbade overseas subsidiaries of American firms to trade with Cuba and authorized the president to bring economic sanctions against, or cut off trade with, any country that assisted them. At a later stage, the Helms-Burton bill was introduced by Sen. Jesse Helms, the North Carolina Republican, who described Fidel Castro as “a bloody, murderous dictator, a brutal tyrannical thug” (CBS, 1996). The Helms-Burton bill has been described as the toughest legislation ever enacted to bring about the fall of the Castro dictatorship, and it indicated the animosity felt by some U.S. citizens towards Castro and Cuba.

In addition, unrest recurred within Cuba. Arnaldo Ochoa, a popular figure rumored to favor Soviet-style perestroika, was executed. This was clearly a message to Cubans who thought of undermining Castro, and in 1991 the Communist Party Congress reiterated the message that Cuba had no intention of following the recent example of its former allies. There was a spate of small demonstrations in Havana in 1993, and hundreds of Cubans were imprisoned while others tried to flee across the Florida Straits to the United States. That country could not handle the estimated 30,000 people who attempted to gain entry to it, so President Bill Clinton had to reverse the long-standing policy of granting political asylum to Cubans. In Cuba, many thousands of people have been imprisoned since the 1990s, perceived as threats to social and political order; known dissidents are closely watched by security forces. There are approximately 300 prisons in Cuba containing 5,000 people whose political beliefs are not to the liking of the authorities (Sugden, 1996).

However, there does appear to be momentum behind economic liberalization in Cuba. For example, private markets and restaurants have been legalized, and this creates more pressure for political change. The Cuban economy is weak, and goods are in short supply. Whenever products are available, long queues form to buy them. Many products, even basic ones, are rationed. Old Havana is dominated by dilapidated Spanish-style buildings and utilitarian Soviet-style high-rise office buildings. At night, most of the city is only dimly lit for a few hours. American limousines, relics of the 1940s and 1950s, pollute the atmosphere; old Soviet Lada cars, ancient trucks, and Chinese bicycles transport citizens around the city. The streets are in disrepair. People wait patiently at the side and in the middle of roads for a bus or a lift from a passing motorist. Children play in and out of doorways and in the streets. Adults lounge on the doorsteps or in the open-grilled windows of houses devoid of luxuries and chat, smoke, or gaze into space. In 1995, Cuba had the highest suicide rate in the western hemisphere. There is a feeling of resignation and little time for insurrection. Dissatisfaction with the regime has risen during the “Special Period,” but few dare express their feelings. Many Cubans believe the revolution has become stagnant because Castro has failed to adapt his political and economic views, despite radical changes in the former Soviet countries (Sugden, 1996).

There is still only one political party in Cuba, the Partido Comunista de Cuba (PCC); it maintains rigid centralized control and does not allow any opposition. Castro has survived 35 years of American sanctions, the death of the Soviet Union, and the political upheavals of 1994. He is still at center stage in terms of international events like the investiture of Nelson Mandela and 50th anniversary of the United Nations. The leadership has had to display increased openness towards the West in order to boost tourism and foreign investment. Cuba is now one of the most popular destinations for British and Canadian holiday makers on long-haul flights. Tourism has surpassed sugar as the main currency earner for Cuba, grossing $1 billion in 1995; the number of workers employed in tourism has risen from 630,000 in 1994 to 740,000 in 1995.

Predictions are that there will be over 2 million tourists by the year 2000. The presence of tourists with a “daily spending capacity in excess of $100  . . . in a country in which a doctor might earn $20 per month, and manual workers far less, presents problems, and therefore tourists are a target for unsolicited attention” (Sugden, 1996, p. 145). Young men and women patrol tourist quarters, hotels, and beaches seeking ways of making money in the tourist industry. Cuba is in need of hard currency, U.S. dollars in particular (in 1993 it became legal in Cuba to possess U.S. dollars). The Cuban peso is worthless on the international currency market, and the government will do almost anything to earn hard currency; Cubans are paid in pesos, however, making life a constant scrabble for dollars. One consequence is Cuba’s thriving sex trade, in which Cubans prostitute themselves individually and collectively to foreigners, and petty thieves make a living by robbing tourists.

Cuba is the largest and most fertile island in the Caribbean, and it ought to have the strongest economy. The breakup of the Soviet Union and Cuba’s highly centralized command economy has resulted in a weak economy. Traditionally the main element of the economy, the sugar industry has been hit by a shortage of fuel and spare parts, so harvests have declined; prices, moreover, have fluctuated on the world market. Manufacturing industries are running at 50% of full capacity, and imports have been reduced. Since 1989, Cuba has lost most of its Warsaw Pact trading partners that used to account for over 85% of its trade. Hence, Cuba has turned to Latin America for assistance, so imports from this area rose from 7% in 1990 to 47% in 1993 (Calder & Hatchwell, 1996). An increase in foreign investment is necessary, and this has been forthcoming from Mexico, Colombia, Canada, Spain, Japan, and the United Kingdom. Spain has given Cuba $12.5 million in aid and $100 million in soft loans over a 4-year period and much more in private investment associated with the tourist trade (Sugden, 1996). These countries have shown an interest in all areas of the economy including biotechnology, pharmaceuticals, oil, and partnership with foreign capital (usually Spanish, Canadian, or British), through which the foreign investor receives 49% of the profit and the Cuban government 51%. Such developments are attractive propositions for European investors, who need not compete with North American companies to invest in Cuba.

Each year, Cuba continues to invest $80 million in sport, representing 2% of its gross domestic product. The government invests a disproportionate amount of its resources in its athletes, educating , feeding, and clothing them, paying for their equipment and travel. Being a top-class athlete brings opportunity for foreign travel denied most other Cubans. Yamilé Aldama offered the following about being an athlete in Cuba:

I attended an Escuela Superior de Perfeccionamiento Atlético  from the age of 17. We were trained by Cuban coaches. [Prior to 1990 there had been coaches from the U.S.S.R. and East Germany.] It was a boarding school, so we had plenty of time to train, usually about 2 to 3  hours per day, in the afternoon. But we had to study hard as well. Then I went to the University of Havana to study physical culture and took 6 years to graduate. As an athlete, the government paid for everything, and we were well looked after, as we had the use of doctors, nutritionists, and sports scientists. (personal communication, June 4, 2003)

Athletes in Cuba lead a marginally better life than the average Cuban, receiving special schooling, an apartment, a car, and an allowance for better food and clothing. When, in 1991, 70 athletes defected from Cuba, that was very irritating. Much money had been spent on their development. The most likely of Cuban athletes to defect are the baseball players and boxers, drawn to the high pay in the United States for their sports. Yamilé Aldama describes her experience as a full-time athlete this way:

On graduating from the University of Havana, I became a full-time athlete. We did not have a job so I trained for 3 or 4 hours each day under the supervision of the national coaches. We received some money, but it was not a huge amount. For the rest of the day, I relaxed at home with my parents. The system allowed me to travel to international meetings and to take part in the Olympic Games in 1996. On retirement, some of the athletes were employed within the sports system as coaches or as sports development officers.

With Cuba’s economy in chaos, its sports facilities are deteriorating. They are now outdated and in need of repair, many consisting of shabby, rusty buildings with gaps in the roof through which rain enters. The author witnessed the junior handball team training in the Sala Polivalente Kid Chocolate (Kid Chocolate Multipurpose Hall, named for a famous Cuban boxer), when there was a power cut. The athletes continued as if it were a common occurrence, undeterred by this “slight” inconvenience. The weight training room was in disrepair, but the Cubans were quite proud of its dilapidated machines.

There are no longer enough facilities to meet demand. Gone are the lavish community recreation and leisure centers, and there are few swimming pools and no velodrome or ice rink. There used to be organized gymnastic classes in clubs and workplaces along with locally organized public physical efficiency classes and groups meeting to exercise within housing communes or blocks of flats. There is no evidence of this happening now.

Fidel Castro once proclaimed that, “One day when the Yankees accept peaceful coexistence with our own country, we shall beat them at baseball too, and then the advantages of revolutionary over capitalist sport will be shown” (Pickering, 1980, p. 52). During a time when diplomatic links between the United States and Cuba have been minimal, sport has occasionally been used as a means of communication. There were exchanges in basketball, baseball, and volleyball in the 1970s and 1980s. More recently, the Baltimore Orioles baseball team’s 28 March 1999 visit to Cuba was of great significance, the first time in 40 years a Major League Baseball team had played in Cuba. Although the game had no political agenda, Orioles owner Peter Angelos said, “If this leads to an improvement in relations between our two countries, and ultimately much greater contact between our two people, millions of Americans would be delighted” (Whitworth, 1999, p. 4 ).

After the revolution, professional baseball was abolished in Cuba. Cuban and U.S. teams meet only in major international tournaments like the Olympics, in which U.S. professional players do not play and which Cuban teams dominate. (Cuba in 1992 became the first Olympic champion in baseball.) During their historic visit, the Orioles beat a Cuban all-star team 3–2 at the Estadio Latinamericano (Latin American Stadium) in Havana. In the return match in Baltimore on 5 May 1999, however, Castro got his wish as the Cuban national team won 12–6. It is claimed that this was a huge propaganda coup for Fidel Castro.

Despite things like baseball exchanges, relations between Cuba and the United States remain bitter, because the countries have different motives for cultural exchanges. The United States continues to work to undermine Castro’s administration; Cuba seeks to highlight the injustices of U.S. policy. But even so, cultural exchanges may offer a vital contribution to overcoming political differences. The solution in the short term might lie with Cuba’s attempt to boost tourism and increase foreign investment, which could lead to increasing openness towards the West. This may occur simply because Cuba is in need of hard currency. The tourist industry is designed to earn as much money as possible, with resorts such as Varedero and Cayo Coco, an offshore attraction for tourists only, exclusively dedicated to tourism. These resorts feature long stretches of Cuba’s best beaches adjoined by luxury hotels in which mainly Canadian and European tourists congregate.

To boost tourism and foreign investment, the leadership must display increased openness towards the West (including the United States). Of course, the economy should not rely completely on the tourist industry: It is in the nature of many if not most tourists to prefer new destinations, as they present themselves, over established ones. Cuba is essentially an agricultural nation; therefore, an economy based on its natural resources along with the influx of tourists should be the government’s goal. In the short term, funds generated by the tourist industry should be used to sustain and improve Cuba’s infrastructure. For example, the deteriorating quality of education and physical education need to be addressed. With every new reform, the Cuban people’s expectations of new facilities rise, stoking political pressure for yet more change and a reorientation towards Western political ideology. As more money becomes available, the shabby, rusty, and dilapidated sports facilities should improve. An obvious method of sponsorship and commercialism, as in the United States, has no place in Cuban ideology.

]The Theory Underlying Cuban Sport[

Discussion of sport and the state includes ongoing debate between the proponents of different perspectives. Understanding the Marxist perspective facilitates discussion of the theoretical underpinnings of sport in communist countries like Cuba. Taking Gramsci’s neo-Marxist perspective, specifically, one would interpret political power as the outcome of a balance between force and consent (Horne et al., 1999; Poulantzas, 1973; Sage, 1997; Sugden & Barner, 1993). In Gramsci’s view, states attempt to rule either by consent or by the ideological, cultural, and moral authority of the ruling class Gramsci refers to as hegemony.

Hargreaves (1982), more specifically, says that the concept of hegemony is used to explain the contradictory features of the connections between culture and ideology and the economic and political aspects of the totality. For Hargreaves, hegemony “defines a specifically historical form of class domination, throughout civil society and the state, which becomes embedded in the consciousness as ‘commonsense’ through the ordinary experiences and relationships of everyday life” (p. 14). The state always attempts to rule by consent. This is sometimes difficult as both the ruling classes and the working classes are fragmented, and because individuals have ideas and opinions that at once support and oppose those of the dominant classes: so-called dual consciousness. The state tries to maintain hegemony despite the existence of dual consciousness, or contradictory beliefs. From this perspective, power does not reside in the wealthy elite alone. Power is distributed throughout the range of institutions, and no one group has access to all social power, which nevertheless is unevenly distributed. It is suggested that governments maintain hegemony by involving the population in a national project, such as sport, in order to construct a national popular culture.

Gramscian concepts have considerable explanatory powers when applied to Cuba. However, with the collapse of regimes in the communist societies of Eastern Europe, though the model remains influential, the pull of Marxist thought, insofar as it was identified with the official imposed state ideology, has receded (Bottomore, 1993).

More recent accounts of the role of the state include a “society-centered” approach (McGrew, 1992, p. 95) that sees the state as influenced by society, and the “state-centered” approach (McGrew, 1992, p. 99) that sees the state determining policies.A society-centered state may be viewed as weak, while a state-centered government may be viewed as strong (Horne et al., 1999). A strong state is “able to implement its decisions against societal resistance and/or can resist societal demands from even the most powerful groups” (McGrew, 1992, p. 105). A weak state fails at both of those tasks, “owing to societal resistance and the lack of resources” (McGrew, 1992, p. 105).

In terms of sport, Cuba is  certainly an example of a strong state. Sport comes under the direct jurisdiction of the government, although that could change in time, some liberalizing of the state apparatus in Cuba having already occurred. In various ways, this model provides valuable insight into the relationships among the state, power, infrastructure, and sport. In addition, globalization processes affect the international context of contemporary state activity, which may limit state autonomy while at the same time enhancing state ability to pursue wider, external objectives (McGrew, 1992). A reaction to internationalism and globalization is that local, regional, and national communities will retain those traditions developed through sport to define cultural identities, some of which are associated with the making of some nations (Jarvie, 1993).

In his analysis of the relationship between sport and ideology, Hoberman (1984, 1993) suggests that the ideological interpretation of sport is subordinate to what he calls “sportive nationalism” (1984, p. 15). This is the acceptance of high-level ideals and a competitive ethos in which scientific methods are being used to improve performance. Sportive nationalism is the ambition of the political elite in a variety of political cultures who wish to see their athletes excel at major international sports events.

For Hoberman, there are tensions between states and individuals who support sportive nationalism and those who do not. He maintains that with the disintegration of the Soviet Union and its satellites between 1989 and 1992, long-standing rivalries between East and West have been reduced (although they still exist in Cuba). The international sport system continues to encourage sportive nationalism, as does the increasingly commercialized Olympic Games. Hoberman (1993) informs us that all types of political ideologies support international sport competitions “as a testing ground for the nation or a political system” (p. 17), and this is still very apparent in Cuba. More specifically, Hoberman suggests that sportive nationalism is not a single generic phenomenon, but rather a complicated response to challenges and events of different forms in different political cultures. Hence Cuba, a small country with a population of 11 million people, practices intense sportive nationalism as a desirable policy, especially prior to the breakup of the Soviet Union. Under INDER, its organizing body for sport, Cuba created a structure focusing on mass participation and preparation of elite athletes, to win both international stature and domestic credibility. Castro’s scheme utilized available resources to produce a successful sporting nation.

In Cuba, high-level sport creates an ideal subculture in which the communist ideology motivates athletes to perform well against their capitalist rivals, especially the United States. The regime creates an optimal environment for the development of high-performance athletes. The system in Cuba represents a perfect example of a well-organized structure that enables elite athletes to progress. Investment in sport in Cuba was and is a means of identifying the citizen with the state. Hoberman further maintains that high-level sport was, and still is, synonymous with communist countries like Cuba. Driven by ideology, communist regimes are relatively enthusiastic about developing elite athletes through the application of science; under communist regimes, certain ideological factors contribute to promoting a scientific approach to athletic performance. The organization of elite sport, however, is not necessarily the sole domain of a Marxist-Leninist ideology. Nor is reliance on scientific approaches necessarily inherently communist; the end of the communist era does not mean the end of scientific pursuit of better athletic performance, as practitioners of Western sport science are just as ambitious as communist sport scientists. The one difference, in Cuba’s case, is that development of elite athletes was and is state sponsored.

]Conclusion[

Despite many social problems in Cuba since 1990, the country is still very successful in international sport. At the 1996 Atlanta Olympic Games, Cuba won 25 medals, taking an additional 27 at the 2000 Sydney Olympic Games. Research by Nevill and Stead (2002) indicates a very strong relationship between a nation’s gross national product in U.S. dollars and its success in the Olympics, but Cuba’s GNP is modest and it performed better than any other nation at the Sydney Olympics. It is difficult to imagine that over the next decade Cuba can maintain the same levels of success at international sport. There is evidence to suggest a halt to social programs during the “Special Period.” It seems unlikely that Castro will be able to maintain socialist structures while moving towards a free market economy. Whether or not there are social and political changes in Cuba during the next 10 years might depend on the longevity of Castro. However, it is hoped that the sport system adopted by Cuba can be fine-tuned rather than radically altered. Those involved in sport must decide how to break with the past and adopt a system based on market conditions.

]References[

BBC. (1977, August 16). Cuba, sport and revolution. [Television broadcast].

Bottomore, T. (1993). Political sociology: A classic of modern politics. London: Pluto Press.

Caldwell, S., & Hatchwell, E. (1996). Cuba. Oxford, England: Unwin.

CBS. (1996, July 18). The last revolution. [Television broadcast].

Coghlan, J. (1986). The reduction of current disparities between developed and developing countries in the field of sport and physical education. Paris: International Council for Sports Science and Physical Education, United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO).

Griffiths, J., & Griffiths, P. (1979). Cuba: The second decade. London: Writers and Readers Books.

Hampson , L. (1980). Socialism and the aims of physical education in Cuba. Physical Education Review, 3(1), 64–82.

Hardman, K. (1996). The former Soviet Union. In K. Hardman (Ed.), Comparative studies in physical education and sport (pp. 46–64). Manchester, England: Manchester University Press.

Hargreaves, J. (1982). Sport, culture and ideology. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul.

Hoberman, J. (1984). Sport and political ideology. Austin, TX: University of Texas Press.

Hoberman, J. (1993). Sport and ideology in the post-Communist age. In L. Allison (Ed.), The changing politics of sport (pp. 15–36). Manchester, England: Manchester University Press.

Horne, J., Tomlinson, A., & Whannel, G. (1999). Understanding sport: An introduction to the sociological and cultural analysis of sport. London: E. and F. N. Spon.

Jarvie, G. (1993). Sport, nationalism and cultural identity. In L. Allison (Ed.), The changing politics of sport (pp. 58–83). Manchester: Manchester University Press.

McGrew, A. (1992). The state in advanced industrialised capitalist societies. In J. Allen, P. Braham, & P. Lewis (Eds.), Political and economic forms of modernity (pp. 65–127). Cambridge, England: Polity Press.

Nevill, A., & Stead, D. (2002, July). The relationship between national sporting success and gross national product: A law of diminishing return. Paper presented at the 12th Commonwealth International Sport Conference, Manchester, England.

Petavino, P., & Pye, G. (1996). Sport in Cuba. In L. Chalip, A. Johnson, & L. Stahura (Eds.), National sports policies: An international handbook (pp. 116–139). London: Greenwood Press.

Pickering, R. (1980). Sport in Cuba. In J. Riordan (Ed.), Sport under communism (pp. 143–174). London: Hurst.

Poulantzas, N. (1973). Political power and social classes. London: Sheed and Ward.

Riordan, J. (1999). The impact of communism in sport. In J. Riordan & A. Kruger (Eds.), The international politics of sport in the 20th century (pp. 48–67). London: E. and F. N. Spon.

Sage, G. (1997). Power and ideology in American sport: A critical perspective. Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics.

Sugden, J. (1996). Boxing in society: An international perspective. Manchester, England: Manchester University Press.

Sugden, J., & Bairner, A. (1993). Sport sectarianism and society in a divided Ireland. Leicester, England: Leicester University Press.

Whitworth, D. (1999, May 5). Baseball diplomacy works to Castro’s advantage. The Times, p. 41.

]Author Note[


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2015-03-20T08:53:14-05:00January 3rd, 2004|Sports Coaching, Sports Facilities, Sports Studies and Sports Psychology|Comments Off on Sport in Cuba: Before and After the “Wall” Came Down
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