Sports Studies and Sports Psychology – Page 22

Physical Activities and Their Relation to Physical Education: A 200-Year Perspective and Future Challenges

Submitted by Suzanne Lundvall and Peter Schantz.

The Sport Journal normally doesn’t publish articles that have appeared in other publications previously, but the entry below is an exception to this rule. We at The Sport Journal feel the views expressed in this article are important enough to republish for our valued readers.

Abstract
In this macrolevel overview, a model of the multiplicity of the field of bodily movement cultures is initially presented. The model is then used to illuminate how different bodily movement practices emerged over time, became embedded, remained, faded, or disappeared in the world’s oldest physical education teacher education (PETE) program. Through this continuity and discontinuity of practices, five distinct phases are identified, although sometimes intertwined, and their contextual background is described. The first phase is characterized by the establishment of Ling gymnastics from the early 19th century and by its fall in the 20th century. The next phase started in the late 19th century and dealt with the introduction of sports and outdoor life. During a third phase, sports became the dominating movement practice. The fourth phase is related to the rise and fall of a separate female gymnastics culture during the 20th century. The fifth phase is characterized by the introduction of everyday life physical activities at the beginning of the new millennium. The overview is followed by reflections on the future content of bodily movement practices and sought-after values in PETE and physical education in the school system.

Introduction
The content of physical education (PE) programs in schools for children and young people is under debate globally. This is not new. PE has had an ongoing battle concerning how to gain the greatest and longest benefits for mind and body since it was established at the beginning of the 19th century (Pfister, 2003). These conflicts have been noted between cultures and nations, representing different points of view about the legitimate agenda of physical education, but conflicts have also been noted within nations and educational institutions (Kirk, 2010; Korsgaard, 1989; Lundvall & Meckbach, 2003; Morgan, 2006; Pfister, 2003; Schantz, 2009; Schantz & Nilsson, 1990). In the authors’ view, good reasons exist to continue this debate in our time. For this purpose, a model of the multiplicity of the field of physical activity cultures is presented. It is offered as a supportive and clarifying structure for identifying, discussing, and making future PE content decisions.

To illuminate these issues, the model is used in a macrolevel overview, illustrating changes in values and practices within the oldest still existing physical education teacher education (PETE) program in the world, that is, The Royal Gymnastic Central Institute (GCI), now named The Swedish School of Sport and Health Sciences (GIH). Apart from studies based on empirical data from this PETE institution, the overview also makes use of international literature on physical culture and health.

Thus, this article focuses on PETE, a less examined area when it comes to how new concepts of bodily movement practices have emerged, become embedded in programs and local
practices, remained, faded, or disappeared because they were not “legitimate” or were of less value or for other reasons (e.g., Annerstedt, 1991; Fernandez, 2009; Kirk & Macdonald, 2001; Kirk, Macdonald, & Tinning, 1997; Lundvall & Meckbach, 2003). Proceeding from these basic concepts, the final aim of this article is to reflect and discuss the present-day situation in relation to principles for bodily movement practices and sought-after values for PETE. This discussion will include tensions and disagreements on content issues and future challenges for PETE and school PE.

Theoretical Framework
The theoretical departure point is inspired by the work of Bourdieu. The analytical focus has been placed on how deliberate forms of bodily movement practices in the studied PETE program came to be defined and regulated through meaning-making principles or the logic of practices (Bourdieu, 1984, 1990; Engström, 2008). Over time, the chosen bodily movement practices have created tensions in terms of power and control over what has been seen as legitimate in the educational sector of physical activity and body culture. This departure point also makes it possible to study how aspects of investment and intrinsic values have been put forward and have been related to views on body and health.

The Educational Field of Physical Activity Practices: A Model
A model has been developed to illustrate the multiplicity of different forms of deliberate bodily movement practices with distinctly different meaning-making principles (logic of practices; Figure 1). It also considers the construction of gender. It is based on a similar model first described by Schantz and Nilsson (1990) and relates to an educational context in Sweden. However, it can also be easily adjusted to conditions in other countries. The different principles for bodily movement practices are spatially oriented in the model in relation to the rationality underpinning each practice. Sport activities, based on the logic of competition, are placed in the traditionally male-dominated domain. Aesthetic and expressive forms of physical activities, such as artistic forms of dance, are placed in the traditionally female-dominated domain. Ling gymnastics, fitness gymnastics, play, outdoor life, and everyday life physical activities are placed in a traditionally gender-neutral position in the middle of the model. None of these forms of movement practices are underpinned by measurement/competition or driven by aesthetics and expressiveness. Enhancement of different physical qualities through physical training can support the conduct of all movement practices in the model. Basic forms of physical training are therefore placed at the bottom of the model, with arrows signaling their possible supportive nature for all other movement practices. Physical activities that are related to different types of professions are not given a place in this model.

Figure 1. A Model of the Field of Physical Activity Practices (modified from Schantz &
Nilsson, 1990)

Continuity and Discontinuity of Bodily Movement Practices Over Time
A general description is given below of how the model can be used to illuminate the relative amount of time devoted to different movement practices during different time periods. In this way, a flow of continuity and discontinuity emerges. Different distinct phases are noted. This primarily visual description is followed by a text elaborating contextual factors of importance for understanding the changes described.

From 1813 to 1900, Ling gymnastics was developed and dominated the movement practices, and a fundamental principle was the schooling of body and character (Figure 2). From 1900 to 1960, sports were gradually introduced and thereby the logic of competition. PETE also started to involve outdoor life with the main goal of experiencing nature. For this purpose, physical activities such as orienteering and skiing became part of the educational program. Female PETE education developed a gymnastics discourse of its own, with influences from dance, rhythmic, and aesthetics. Thus, different and gender-related dimensions of movement practices became represented. Alongside this, new forms of physical training, particularly circuit training and aerobic conditioning, were brought in and signaled a logic of training solely for an investment value (Figure 3). During the period from 1960 to 1980, the elements of Ling gymnastics generally faded away but left a space for fitness gymnastics, and at the beginning, this was divided for men and women. Sport dominated as a movement practice, and fitness training within the area of gymnastics increased. The position for outdoor life activities remained stable (Figure 4). From 1980 to 2000 the separate female gymnastic discourse ended as an unintended consequence of a coeducational reform. Sport as a movement practice dominated and became the primary rationale for PETE. Fitness gymnastics was available for male and female students.Outdoor life held its position (Figure 5). From 2000 and onward, everyday life physical activity
emerged with its fundamental principle of an investment value in health. In other ways, there was no fundamental change compared to the previous period (Figure 6).

Figure 2. Bodily movement practice in PETE from 1813 to 1900. Ling gymnastics was developed and established. It represented the content in male and female PETE (where female PETE was established in 1864; cf. Drakenberg et al., 1913). This is indicated by the gray field, which signifies teaching time allocation to this specific bodily movement practice.

Figure 3. Bodily movement practices in PETE from 1900 to 1960. Male and female gymnastics, indicated as boxes with horizontal and diagonal lines, respectively, developed in different directions. In the 1950s, new forms of physical training appeared. The sizes of the gray fields represent an approximate relative balance between time allocated to different physical activity practices at the latter part of the time period (cf. Lundvall & Meckbach, 2003; Tolgfors, 1979). The years indicated as the beginning and end of the period should be read as approximate indications of time.

Figure 4. Bodily movement practices in PETE from 1960 to 1980, with a shift toward more time being allocated for sports and a gradual shift away from Ling gymnastics toward fitness gymnastics (cf. Lundvall & Meckbach, 2003; Tolgfors, 1979). For general comments on the construction of the figure, see Figure 3.

Figure 5. Bodily movement practices in PETE from 1980 to 2000 differ from the previous practices (see Figure 4) in that the coeducational reform led to the termination of the separate female gymnastics culture (cf. Lundvall & Meckbach, 2003; Schantz & Nilsson, 1990). For general comments on the construction of the figure, s ee Figure 3.

Figure 6. Bodily movement practices in PETE in the 21st century. A dimension of “everyday life physical activity” was introduced during this period (Idrottshögskolan, 2002, 2003). The other movement practices remained the same compared to the previous phase, with one exception: The time alotted to “basic forms of physical training” was reduced; see Figure 5 (cf. Lundvall & Meckbach, 2003, 2012). For general comments on the construction of the figure, see Figure 3.

Contexts of Emergence, Continuity, and Discontinuity of Bodily Movement Practices

Emergence of PETE in Sweden
The early 19th century was a time open for new concepts about the training of the body. This process, which was connected to the Enlightenment and the growing importance of rational and acting, as well as the faith in scientific thinking, made it possible for new concepts and ideals to develop, including a specific exercise culture of physical education (Pfister, 2003). The institutional setting for Swedish gymnastics came about when Per Henrik Ling was given permission to establish the Royal Gymnastic Central Institute (GCI, today GIH) in 1813. This was also the starting point for the emergence of PETE in Sweden. Ling wanted to provide a system on a theoretical basis and resting on philanthropical ideas, “the philosophy of nature,” inspired by Rousseau and GutsMuths, where the intellect could be developed through the senses and action. The other basis for his system was that it was intended to rest on the “laws of the human organism” and on knowledge gained from studies of the human body. His thinking resulted in certain ideas about the execution of movements and schooling of the body, which were tightly linked to Lings’ ethical and aesthetic ideals and to perspectives of health regarded as a wholeness.

Ling aimed to develop a gymnastics system with four subdisciplines: pedagogical, medical, military, and aesthetic gymnastics. Hence, Swedish gymnastics came to be seen not only as a system for the purpose of educating the whole body, but also as a cure for the sick. Aesthetic gymnastics “whereby one expresses the inner self: thoughts and emotions” (Ling, 1840/1979, p.50) was subjected to only minor developmental attempts.

This article focuses on pedagogical gymnastics, which was defined as the means “whereby one learns to master one’s own body” (Ling, 1840/1979, p. 52). To correctly cultivate the human body, according to Ling (1840/1979, p. 54), required an elaborate system of different to promote the ability for movement control and competence. These movements were determined in detail with regard to starting and final positions, as well as the trajectory and rhythm of such movements. The system included a well-reasoned progression from easy to more complicated movements. The movements could be executed as freestanding exercises, without support, or as exercises supported by gymnastics apparatus, but all movements are based on the above-mentioned central aspects. This form of pedagogical gymnastics also had a statuesque aim (i.e., to develop a harmonious and symmetric body with good posture). Competition was not the aim or the medium of this specific movement practice, and it was not included in the praxeology (Lindroth, 1993/1994, 2004; Ling, 1840/1979; Ljunggren, 2000; Lundvall & Meckbach, 2003).

From early on, Ling stated that women should be included in this form of bodily exercise, in a feminine type of gymnastics. However, this type of gymnastics was never developed by Per Henrik Ling himself, but rather was developed later through the work of his son, Hjalmar Ling, who gave examples of simple forms of gymnastics for female students (Lindroth, 2004; Lundvall & Meckbach, 2003). Throughout the first 100 years at GCI, the teacher training of male and female students, in both theory and practice, was focused on gymnastics, as illustrated in Figure 2.

Tensions and Conflicts Around Ling Gymnastics
In the early 1900s, the scientific basis of the Ling gymnastic system was strongly questioned. This critique was primarily based on scientific studies of a specific movement that was claimed by the Ling gymnasts to enlarge the vital capacity and thereby improve oxygen uptake (Lindhard, 1926; Schantz, 2009; Söderberg, 1996). At GCI there had been, until the early 20th century, surprisingly small-scale efforts to increase the scientific understanding of Ling gymnastics in terms of their own knowledge production (cf. Lindroth, 2004). From the early 20th century there was, however, a clear ambition in this respect. A proposal to establish professorships in physiology, anatomy, histology, psychology, and pedagogics, as well as three in pedagogical gymnastics, was put forward in 1910. However, in those days the national government and parliament made such decisions, and not until 1938 was a decision made to establish a professorship in the physiology of bodily movements and hygiene (Schantz, 2009). In spite of this tension created by the accusation of a nonscientific bodily movement practice, Ling gymnastics kept its position as the main body exercise system into about the middle of the 20th century in combined 9-year elementary and junior high schools in Sweden (Lundquist Wanneberg, 2004) as well as in other countries (Kirk, 2010). One explanation for this long survival was its strong institutionalization, represented by the GCI, and its existing views on body, health, and physical culture, which constituted a strong health and hygiene discourse aimed at defeating, for example, infectious diseases and crooked bodily postures, and at strengthening character through education (Bonde, 2006; Palmblad & Eriksson, 1995). This health and hygiene discourse and the tight relationship between pedagogic and physiotherapeutic gymnastics gave legitimacy to Swedish gymnastics. Furthermore, this type of bodily exercise also encompassed PE for girls, which, over the years, led to a strong female PETE culture. From a societal perspective, this suited the task of PE well. The alternatives for bodily exercise and the training of girls’ bodies were few in number at that time (Carli, 2004; Kirk, 2010; Lundvall & Meckbach, 2003). Furthermore, from the point of view of scientific legitimacy, there were no alternatives to Ling gymnastics. Thus, sports, for example, could not compete with Ling gymnastics in this respect.

From Gymnastics to Sports: The Process of Sportification of PETE
During the first half of the 20th century, sport with its logic of competition was introduced as part of the bodily movement culture at GCI and expanded gradually to become an equal part of the PETE training practice as compared to Ling gymnastics. When Ling gymnastics rapidly lost its dominating position from the 1950s to 1960s, sports overtook that role (cf. Figures 3 and 4). From the mid-1960s, the study hours for courses in sport disciplines started to outnumber those for gymnastics (Lundvall & Meckbach, 2003). To understand these changes in physical practices in PETE, it is important to understand how sport as a physical culture spread during the 19th and 20th centuries in Sweden and globally. A vast amount of literature has described how the rise of organized sports took off in such an emphatic way. Undoubtedly, there is, as Pfister (2003) notes, “a connection between the rise of sport and the adoption of values, standards and structures of industrialization—including rationality, technological progress, the abstract organization of time and an economy aimed at accumulation of capital” (p. 71). Linked to these societal processes was also the reformation of the public school systems, which required a system for the changing ideals of manliness, where the idealization of fair play, together with an appreciation of individual achievement, competitive in character, represented values to be sought after (Mangan, 1981a, 1981b). The average man was considered superior to the average woman, with women being seen as weaker and lacking potential (Pfister, 2003; Wright, 1996). Darwinism also played an important role in forming the sports ideology: the application of Darwin’s theory of natural selection as an argument for maintaining a strong defense for the survival of the fittest, which was to be achieved by means of persistent athletic exercises and competitions (Sandblad, 1985).

In Sweden, the breakthrough for the establishment of the sports movement occurred when the first sports organization became government financed (1913) and a part of the nation’s social and moral program (cf. Lindroth, 2004). As support grew during the first decades of the 20th century, sport was taken on by PETE as well as in PE in schools. The fundamental principle of Ling gymnastics thereby became less exclusive, appeared to be of less value, and was less sought after. The representatives of Ling gymnastics were surprised that sport, which had earlier been for the upper classes, was suddenly available to the wider masses (Lindroth, 2004).

The spread of sport after World War II was also accompanied by influences of a type of physical training—circuit training—originally emerging from military training. These influences brought in new principles concerning how the training of the body was to be planned and executed (Morgan & Adamson, 1961). Effective training during short periods of time, possible to be executed in small spaces, was in many ways revolutionary compared to the more complicated exercise programs in gymnastics. The emergence of exercise science (cf. Åstrand & Rodahl, 1970), not the least with regard to aerobic conditioning, gave sport and fitness training further legitimacy at GCI (Schantz, 2009). At first, the principles of training represented by circuit training were implemented as part of male gymnastic training (Figure 3).

Alongside the sportification process, the female branch of Ling gymnastics challenged its traditional practice from the beginning of the 20th century and was influenced by an elaborated theory of body and rhythm and the concept of effort saving (Laine, 1989). Initially, these influences, involving breaking with the stiff traditional floor-standing gymnastics, met opposition and resistance (Forsman & Moberg, 1990; Lundvall & Meckbach, 2003). But it was not possible to stop this development and changing of “logic” to aesthetics because it could be justified as being in line with Ling’s intentions concerning the aesthetic branch of his system (see Figure 3). Another process that demonstrated elasticity in the application of the principles of Ling was the development of PE and children’s gymnastics toward a more natural and child centered way of moving, away from drill and command (Falk, 1903, 1913).

The nature of female gymnastics embodied values of emotions and how to put one’s soul into the movements, to liberate the body, and to provide space for self-education (Carli, 2004; Laine, 1989; Lundvall & Meckbach, 2003). The performing of movements was characterized by sensitiveness, adaptability, body awareness, and expression—the feeling of the movement. This type of body training, based on what today is called a subjective experiencing of the body (body-as-subject), provided cultural, physical, and symbolic capital that did not challenge the existing ideals of the female body at that time. Both of the above-mentioned processes must be acknowledged as mechanisms for understanding the long survival of Swedish gymnastics in the PETE programs and in school PE. The corresponding development of the male Ling gymnastics was not the case (Lundvall & Meckbach, 2003).

The popularity and success of the spread of sports is both easy and not easy to understand. With regard to former principles for the education of body and mind, it is interesting how sport, with its meaning-making principles of competition and specialization of skills, with the training of the body as an objective, could fit in so easily and replace the old virtues of the training of the body, regarding health as wholeness, without the dualism of body and soul.

The introduction of outdoor life in PETE from 1900 to 1960 (Figure 3) can be understood in relation to the organization phase of outdoor life in the late 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century. It reflects a need for new identities due to both the great demographic changes with the strong urbanization processes during this period and also the concomitant nationalism and strong surge for new national identities. In this identification process, love of nature as well as skiing emerged as strong parts of the identity profile for Swedes (cf. Sandell & Sörlin, 2008).

From Two-Gender Specific PETE Cultures to One: A Merging With Consequences
During the 1970s political striving for equal rights and employment in Sweden led to questioning of the organization of gender-separated PETE programs. Suddenly old ideals stood beside new ones. The process of integration of the male and female PETE cultures as well as the sportification process of bodily movement practices led not only to a new gender order and a loss of the female gymnastics culture, but also to a marginalization of the female PE pedagogical culture (Carli, 2004; Lundvall & Meckbach, 2003; Schantz & Nilsson, 1990; cf. Figures 4 and 5). For corresponding changes in other countries, see Kirk (2010), Wright (1996), and O’Sullivan, Bush, and Gehring (2002). Furthermore, the time allotted to courses in gymnastics decreased substantially after the coeducation reform in 1977 (Lundvall & Meckbach, 2003). The long tradition of female PETE culture, together with school PE steering documents, prevented a total termination. Courses in dance, music, and movement remained as minor parts of the coeducational PETE study program, but were aimed more at fitness gymnastics, such as workouts and aerobics (Figure 5). Former practices with their fundamental principles of aesthetics became simplified.

At GCI–GIH, the total amount of practical courses went from being the major portion of the study programs during the early 20th century to becoming more peripheral, from taking up 80% of the total study time in the 1920s to less than 15% about 90 years later (Lundvall & Meckbach, 2012; Tolgfors, 1979). A parallel academization process of PETE took place in general, and globally, after the 1970s (e.g., see Kirk, 2010; Kirk et al., 1997; Tinning, 2010).

Everyday Life Physical Activity as Bodily Movement Practice: Disagreements in Modern Time During the late 20th century, new and other practices of physical activity started to be demanded. Recommended amounts and levels of physical activity were distributed in 1996 by the U.S. Surgeon General (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 1996). This way of thinking about children’s and young peoples’ needs for physical activity bore some resemblance to former medical arguments for the prevention of disease and for the curing of the sick that started nearly 200 years earlier.

Everyday life physical activity as a way of thinking gradually became established in society around the beginning of the 21st century, originally taken on by stakeholders in public health, actors outside the field of PETE, and academic disciplines related to sports (Ainsworth, 2005; McKenzie, Alcaraz, Sallis, & Faucette, 1998; Morgan, 2000). This thinking signaled that children and adolescents need to learn how to become and stay physically active in everyday life (McKenna & Riddoch, 2003; Smith & Biddle, 2008; Trost, 2006). Changes in society had led to a focus on physical inactivity among the population. This scenario developed even though there had never before been so many opportunities for participation in organized sports. An outspoken fear of to what physically inactive lifestyles could lead among young people (including reports of obesity crises) was strongly communicated (World Health Organization, 2002). Once again, the question of how physical exercise could contribute to the health of a nation’s citizens came up on the political agenda.

The sought-after legitimatizing educational values and logic of practices behind this new way of thinking have not been clearly communicated so far. The rationale behind the emphasis on everyday life physical activity has given rise to criticism. Educational sociologists point out that school PE cannot only be driven by a medical risk discourse, or a pathogenic and/or normative way of thinking of physical activity and health (Gard & Wright, 2001, 2006; Kirk, 2010). Physical education is much more: It is about physical self-esteem, body awareness and abilities, personal and social development, questions of democracy, as well as critical aspects of health and health communication (Evans, 2004; Evans, Davies, & Wright, 2004; Macdonald & Hay, 2010; Siedentop, 2009). This can perhaps explain to some extent why PETE educators have shown a cautious attitude toward how the thinking about everyday life physical activity has been exposed and how it has been attempted to be implemented. It is too early to describe with any certainty how and what the construction of knowledge around everyday life physical activity will represent in terms of new or renewed bodily movement practices in the area of PETE in general and globally.

The first compulsory course in everyday life physical activity at GIH was started in 2004 in two transdisciplinary courses (Idrottshögskolan, 2002, 2003), which were demanded in a teacher education reform (Figure 6). These dimensions of human movement were introduced in a context of physical activity, public health, and sustainable development (Schantz, 2002, 2006; Schantz & Lundvall, forthcoming). Hence, it is possible to state that learning sports as the predominant bodily movement practice in PETE programs and school PE has been challenged.

Post-Overview Reflections
In this article, a model clarifying the multiplicity of fundamental principles and dimensions of bodily movement practices in a specific, but for the development of PETE, central setting in Sweden has been presented. The model has been used to illustrate the continuity and discontinuity of movement practices. Thereafter, mechanisms and contextual backgrounds to these changes over time have been described.

Although national and cultural differences in how countries organize their PETE programs and school PE exist, there are reasons to believe that the similarities of the development described outnumber the differences. The scheme of continuity and discontinuity stimulates a discussion about what values have been gained, what has been lost, and what possible values have not been introduced as part of PETE.

The introduction of new physical activity logics in PETE has sometimes been dependent not only on the meaningfulness of a certain logic but also on power relations. The introduction of sport is such an example. Furthermore, there are also examples of dramatic changes that have taken place without being desired or planned for intentionally. The rapid decline of female gymnastics at the beginning of the 1980s as a result of the introduction of coeducation is an example. Furthermore, Ling gymnastics faded away after World War II and, with that, faded the principles of movement practices aimed at dimensions such as general body awareness, posture, and ability to maintain motor control. Again, these consequences were not foreseen.

Another lesson is that such unforeseen consequences can be difficult to handle in terms of compensatory pedagogic actions. The values of the female gymnastics and the Ling gymnastics were dependent on strong framing cultures that had been developed over long periods of time, and indeed, the creation of new cultures fostering the best values of those previous cultures is difficult to achieve. Therefore, as a memento, it is suggested that, before changing the content of PETE, one should try to create different scenarios to counteract the possibility that that decision may lead to unforeseen effects.

The overview also makes it clear that the dimension of movement practices connected to different forms of artistic dance have been left out in PETE. This exclusion has, with few exceptions (Schantz & Nilsson, 1990), not been an issue that has been discussed. Indeed, most likely, this would not have been the case if it had been a traditionally male-dominated domain of physical activity. Among these gender issues is also that females taking up different forms of traditionally male-dominated sports is appraised positively, whereas attempts in the opposite direction are generally few in number or entirely absent and lack clear support in the currently governing mind-sets within PETE.

The existence of a multiplicity of logic of movement practices in the field of physical activity points to distinct values of each of the fundamental principles underlying these practices. In line with this, the interaction between different kinds of movement practices and the individual enlarges his/her points of reference in relation to body, movement, and mind.

With such a view constituting a rationale for different physical activities in PETE, one can ask what balances in time allocation are reasonable for attaining a goal of widening the personal experiences and securing “breadth” as an educative value of its own. This takes into account that most of the PE students of today have a strong personal experience in sports, whereas their experience with other physical activity cultures is meager (Brun Sundblad, Meckbach, Lundvall, & Nilsson, 2010). They have what Bourdieu would call a strongly developed taste for sport, forming part of a strong sport habitus (Bourdieu, 1984; Engström, 2008).

Another dimension of reflection on the PETE content deals with what PE contents in schools may be important for adult behavioral patterns of physical activity. Not much cross-sectional or longitudinal research exists on those issues, but there are indications that socializing into sport activities might not effectively foster physically active lifestyles among adults. Instead, schooling into a broad movement repertoire, as well as experiences of outdoor life, appears to be more effective in this respect (Engström, 2008).

Recent knowledge highlights that, in relation to physical activity, one has to take into account the multiplicity and complexity of young peoples’ lives. Context and social interaction play a central role. Children and adolescents are social actors that navigate in the landscape that surrounds physical movement culture. More attention has to be given to how the “healthy citizen” is constructed. What does it mean to live on the countryside, to live in inner cities, or to have the gym or the sport club as the social place for physical activities? In what ways does the place create meanings and relations? And for whom? Which physical activities are included or excluded (Wright & Macdonald, 2011; Thedin Jakobsson, in press)? According to current reports and research studies on school PE in Sweden, students learn sports but not about health and how to take responsibility for healthy physically active lifestyles (Lundvall & Meckbach, 2008; Quennerstedt, Öhman, & Ericson, 2008; Skolinspektionen, 2010). These issues have also been highlighted globally (Hardman & Green, 2011; Green, 2008; Pühse & Gerber, 2005)

New scenarios concerning health, well-being, and illness, including rising numbers of school students experiencing stress and forms of psychological unhealthiness (Folkhälsoinstitutet, 2011), migration, economic recessions, growing segregation among social classes, and an uneven distribution of access to physical activity and health knowledge, have continued to challenge the stability of health among societies’ citizens. The overview relates the content matter of PETE over time to influences of different societal contexts. From this perspective, the relation of physical activity in PETE to major current societal challenges, such as the obesity and type 2 diabetes epidemics, as well as issues related to sustainable development (cf. Schantz & Lundvall, forthcoming) and globalization, are examples of matters that deserve to be thought through and discussed in much more depth than what appears to be the case in most PETE institutions and countries at present.

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U.S. Sports Academy2014-01-27T19:05:47-06:00January 27th, 2014|Contemporary Sports Issues, General, Sports Exercise Science, Sports Studies and Sports Psychology, Women and Sports|Comments Off

Comparison of Body Image Perceptions for Female Competitive Dancers, Fitness Cohort, and Non-Dancers in a College Population

Submitted by Lorraine Killion, Ed.D. & Dean Culpepper, Ph.D.

ABSTRACT
Body image is a complex synthesis of psychophysical elements that are perpetual, emotional, cognitive, and kinesthetic (1). The desire to achieve and maintain an ideal weight is a prevalent goal among females. The purpose of this study was to examine a female population of competitive dancers, control, and fitness cohorts’ body image and eating characteristics. A total of 51 (29 dancers, 12 control, and 10 fitness) subjects completed the MBSRQ-AS, EAT-26, a Physical Activity Questionnaire, Stunkard Figural Silhouettes, and body fat measurements. A MANOVA was conducted to determine group differences and showed a significant relation (Wilk’s Lambda = .106, F=8.735, p<001). Post hoc tests were conducted to determine directionality and showed that the dancers scored significantly higher on the Appearance Orientation subscale (p=.034) with no difference between the control and fitness cohort. Dancers also significantly perceived themselves to be overweight (p=.048) with no difference between the other two groups. Both the dancers (p<.001) and the fitness cohort (p<.001) scored as exhibiting disordered eating patterns as rated by the EAT-26. Even though the dancers had a low percent body fat (M=17.6), they tended to place more importance on how they look. The dancers perceived themselves to be overweight and engaged in disordered eating patterns. These types of perceptions and behaviors are disturbing, but not surprising since dancers have a drive for thinness to compete (2). To fully understand the scope of the issue and the psychological factors that accompany the quest for achieving a certain appearance, future research should include other female cohorts such as elite athletes, obligatory exercisers, and sedentary females to determine any similarities and differences in the groups.

INTRODUCTION
Research has documented and quantified a shift towards a thinner ideal shape for females in the Western culture for the past 20 years (3). Body image has been shown in numerous studies to be a key issue for females. Body image has been described as a multidimensional construct that describes internal, subjective representations of physical and bodily appearance (4). The internal representations of one’s own body include both cognitive and perceptual elements (5). In addition, eating disorders have been shown to be prevalent in females with more than 90 percent of those with eating disorders are women between the ages of 12 and 25 years of age (6, 7, 8). Research indicates that both of these factors (body image and eating disorders) are present among elite performers of certain sports or physical activities, ballet dancers, and professional dancers (8). Yet little has been reported on dance team participants (9, 10, 11).

Dance team is difficult to research due to the paucity of literature available and the complexity of terminology. Also, dance team is a nebulous term to define. Research demonstrates common referrals to spirit teams, spirit squads, dance teams, as well as pom squads. While the confusion in labeling and current argument as to whether this is an activity or a sport still looms, one fact that remains constant is competitive spirit teams is one of the fastest growing areas of participation for females (12).

Among high school participants, over 96,718 females were accounted for in the 2010-2011 high school athletics participation survey conducted by the National Federation of State High School Associations, ranking competitive spirit teams ninth for female participation. At the college level, the National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA) reported that spirit squad has experienced the most growth for women’s sport (13, 14). A nationwide Division I study conducted during the 2001-02 academic school year investigated the prevalence of dance and cheerleading programs and reported 89% of the institutions contacted indicated they sponsored competitive dance (12).

The current emerging phenomenon of dance teams has witnessed the rise in visibility of participants at sporting events and are known for their pre-game and half-time routines. Dance teams are comprised of competitive dancers who are required to practice for long hours in movements, choreography, and synchronicity among dancers. Participants are also required to incorporate specific choreography (i.e., contemporary, hip-hop, or jazz) and technical skills (jumps, kicks, and other gymnastic-type skills) into the routine. It is highly competitive and requires hours of rehearsal to master precise movements in harmony with other members of the team.

The increasing number of females participating in dance team competition is prevalent. Long rehearsal hours, use of mirrors, and dance outfits, place dance team participants at risk of body image concerns (15, 16, 17, 18). Of additional concern is the presence of wearing dance outfits which possibly place them as subjects of objectification, or being evaluated by gazing or being observed or “checked out” on the basis of their appearance (17, 19, 10).

With the growing number of females participating in dance team competition, a further examination of the psychosocial factors that accompany this new sport warrants investigation including the importance of assessing potential body image disturbance. This study was designed to examine the perceptions of dance team participants, fitness participants, and non-dancers in a college population.

METHODS
Upon Internal Review Board (IRB) approval, fifty one subjects were recruited from two university campuses. Informed consent was obtained prior to the study through an information letter that was administered to participants in dance and physical fitness classes.

Participants
Participants were female students enrolled in university classes and dance teams. Two university campuses were involved in the study and yielded a total of 51 participants. The study was comprised of 29 dancers, 10 fitness students, and 12 control subjects. The mean age and standard deviation for the participants were: dancers (M = 20.69, SD = 2.25), fitness (M = 25.40, SD = 8.67), and control (M = 20.42, SD = 0.996). The dancers were from university dance teams, the fitness participants were enrolled in fitness classes, and the participants in the control group were randomly selected from general university courses.

Instruments
Each subject completed questionnaires assessing participant demographics, physical activity involvement using the NASA Physical Activity Scale and body image perceptions using the Stunkard Figural Rating Silhouettes. Eating behavior patterns were assessed utilizing the Eating Attitudes Test (EAT-26) and attitudes concerning body image were assessed with the Multi- dimensional Body-Self Relations Questionnaire (MBSRQ). Anthropometric measurements (height and weight) were then taken. Weight was taken using a Tanita WB-110A Digital Scale and height was taken using a using a Seca 420 measuring stadiometer. Body fat measurements were taken on each participant using an Omron Fat Loss Monitor, Model HBF-306C. The Fat Loss Monitor (Omron Fat Loss Monitor, Model HBF-306C) displays the estimated value of body fat percentage by bioelectrical impedance method and indicates the Body Mass Index (BMI). The bioelectrical impedance, skinfold, and hydrostatic weighing methods have all been shown to be reliable measures of body composition (r = .957-.987). (23)

Eating Attitudes Test (EAT-26)
The Eating Attitudes Test (EAT-26) was used to differentiate participants with anorexia nervosa, bulimia nervosa, binge-eating, and those without disordered eating characteristics. It is a 26-item measurement consisting of three subscales: 1) dieting, 2) bulimia and food perception, and 3) oral control. Scoring for this instrument was a Likert scale of six possible answers (always, usually, often, sometimes, rarely, never). Scores ranged from zero to three for each question and a total score greater than 20 indicates excessive body image concern that may identify an eating disorder (20, 21). The EAT-26 has been proven to be a reliable (r =.88) measurement. (7)

Figural Rating Silhouettes
Body size judgments were obtained using the Stunkard Figure Rating Scale (see figure 1). This scale consists of a nine-figure scale of numbered silhouettes that increase gradually in size from very thin (a value of 1) to very obese (a value of 9). (22) Two body size perception variables were included in the current study. “Self-perceived body size” is the number of the figure selected by participants in response to the prompt “Choose the figure that reflects how you think you currently look.” “Ideal body size” is the number of the figure chosen in response to the prompt “Choose your ideal figure.” This scale has good test-retest reliability and adequate validity (23, 24). Following the methods of other investigators, we defined body size satisfaction as the difference between self-perceived body size and ideal body size (25, 26, 27, 28). A body size discrepancy index variable was created for each participant by subtracting the number of the figure selected as the ideal body size from the number of the figure selected as the self-perceived current body size (28). A high body size discrepancy value signifies low satisfaction with body size, and a low value signifies greater satisfaction with body size.

Multidimensional Body-Self Relations Questionnaire
The Multidimensional Body-Self Relations Questionnaire (MBSRQ) is a 69 item self-report inventory for the assessment of self-attitudinal aspects of the body image construct. The MBSRQ measures satisfaction and orientation with body appearance, fitness, and health. In addition to seven subscales (Appearance Evaluation and Orientation, Fitness Evaluation and Orientation, Health Evaluation and Orientation, and Illness Orientation), the MBSRQ has three special multi-item subscales: (1) The Body Areas Satisfaction Scale (BASS) approaches body image evaluation as dissatisfaction-satisfaction with body areas and attributes; 2) The Overweight Preoccupation Scale assesses fat anxiety, weight vigilance, dieting, and eating restraint; and 3) The Self-Classified Weight Scale assesses self-appraisals of weight from “very underweight” to “very overweight.” Internal consistency for MBSRQ subscales range from .74 -.91. This questionnaire has been studied and used extensively in the college population. Internal consistency for the subscales of the MBSRQ ranged from .67 to .85 for males and .71 to .86 for females (9).

Physical Activity Scale
Level of physical activity was obtained by self-report with the NASA Activity Scale (NAS) (29, 30). The scale enables subjects to rate their general activity behavior over the previous 30 days. The scale range is from 0 to 10, which is based on the total weekly minutes spent in exercise or the total weekly miles run or walked. A NAS of 0-1 represents very low activity. A rating of 2-3 represents regular recreation or work of modest effort in such activities as golf or yard work for a weekly total of between 30 min to 2 h. Ratings of 4-10 represent regular participation in aerobic exercise ranging from light to heavy exercise.

Procedures
The participants were instructed by a trained individual to fill out the information packets provided on clipboards. First, the participants completed a personal identification and demographic sheet that contained general information such as age and dance or sport category. The participants then completed the MBSRQ-AS, the EAT-26, Physical Activity Questionnaire, and the Stunkard Figural Rating Scale (31, 20, 29, 22). As the participants completed the written component of the study, another trained individual took height and weight measures of the participants and recorded the body mass index (BMI) from a hand-held BIA analyzer. Weight was taken using a Tanita WB-110A Digital Scale and height was taken using a using a Seca 420 measuring stadiometer. A test/retest method was utilized for both measures to offset measurement error. In the measure of weight, the individual’s weight was recorded, the participant stepped off the digital scale and the scale was returned to “zero”. The measure was then taken again and recorded. In the measure of height, the same procedure of test/retest was used. When all measures were taken, the average of the two measures was then recorded. The measures were then taken by the researchers and converted using the formula (BMI = weight/height M2). BMI was then calculated and recorded for all participants. When the information was completed, the participants returned the packets to the trained administrator. Data sheets were collected and kept in a locked file cabinet for confidentiality.
A total of 51 participants completed the MBSRQ-AS, EAT-26, a Physical Activity Questionnaire, Stunkard Figural Silhouettes, and body fat measurements. Descriptive statistics are presented in Table 1. The Dancers and the Fitness group were significantly lower in body fat and higher in physical activity and the on the EAT-26. A MANOVA was conducted to determine group differences among the different measures and the subscales.

Table 1 – Figure Rating Means for each Group (dancer, fitness, & control)

RESULTS
The MANOVA indicated a significant relation (Wilk’s Lambda = .106, F = 8.735, p<.001). Post hoc tests were conducted and analyses were examined to determine directionality. Results showed that the dancers scored significantly higher on the Appearance Orientation subscale (p=.034) with no difference between the control and fitness cohort. Dancers also significantly perceived themselves to be overweight (p=.048) with no difference between the other two groups. Both the dancers (p<.001) and the fitness cohort (p<.001) scored as exhibiting disordered eating patterns as rated by the EAT-26 (see Table 2).
Even though the dancers had a low percent body fat (M=17.6), they tended to place more importance on how they look. Body dissatisfaction measures often focus on body build and are operationalized as the difference between ideal and self-perceived current figure as selected from a group of drawings (32, 33, 34). Measures of body dissatisfaction were computed by subtracting participants’ ratings of their Current Body Size (CBS) from their Ideal Body Size (IBS) to create a discrepancy index (DI). (28) The DI’s for each group were calculated with means and standard deviations recorded: Dancers (-.59/1.11), Fitness Group (-1.04/.966), and Control (-1.55/.85). The dancers in this study were dissatisfied with their bodies and wanted a thinner body as described in the discrepancy index, indicating a higher level of importance on their appearance (p=.045).

Table 2-Percent Fat and Eat-26 Totals for Subjects

DISCUSSION
The primary focus of this investigation was to examine collegiate dance team participants to see if they exhibited body image distortions and disordered eating habits as exhibited in other female performers. Even though the dancers had a low percent body fat (M = 17.6), they tended to place more importance on how they look. The dancers perceived themselves to be overweight and engaged in disordered eating patterns. These types of perceptions and behaviors are disturbing, but not surprising since dancers have exhibited a drive for thinness to compete (2).

The findings of the data for this study are consistent with previous studies regarding body image in females (6, 35, 36). The females in this study perceived their current figure as heavier than their ideal figure. Although literature available on dancers exists, many of the studies have focused on ballet dancers and other professional dancer types. Future research should examine dance team participants to see if the pressures are similar (i.e., rehearsing with mirrors and being viewed during their performance by an audience). To fully understand the scope of the issue and the psychological factors that accompany the quest for achieving a certain appearance, future research should include other female cohorts such as elite athletes, obligatory exercisers, and sedentary females to determine any similarities and differences in the groups.

These results indicate that dancers had higher incidence of negative body image disturbances as compared with the controls. Dancers are usually expected to be slim, well-proportioned, and toned and are placed under a great deal of pressure to maintain these features. Often, the various aspects of a dance class can potentially lead to a negative body image (37). The pressures of being thin may present negative body images for dance team members (38). A national survey conducted reported that body image concerns continue to be prevalent among American women (39). Levels of body dissatisfaction may also foster negative affect because appearance is a central dimension for women in our culture (40).

While the dangers of distorted body image are present in the dance world, measures to minimize their impact should include coaches who focus on performance rather than personal appearance. Taking an active interest in how their dancers view themselves is critical to a more comprehensive understanding of the causes of body image concern. By further addressing this issue, researchers can also help minimize health risks in female participants as well as reduce body image dissatisfaction.

Limitations & Implications
Limitations to this study include the sample size. In addition, this study investigated indicators of disordered eating attitudes and behaviors rather than clinical diagnoses of eating disorders. Other variables that are contributing factors to the prevalence of disordered eating were not investigated. The results of the EAT-26 test were not intended to diagnose nor suggest an eating or life-threatening disorder; however, the EAT-26 was used because it has proven to be an effective screening tool in identifying eating disorder symptomology and allows for further investigation for treatment.

APPLICATIONS IN SPORT
Body image has been the subject of much research conducted in recent years. As a result, body image is now recognized a multidimensional construct with complex aspects, particularly perceptual. The majority of the existing data indicates that body image concerns are prevalent among American females. With the recent phenomenal growth of dance team participation and the increasing number of female participants; a closer examination is warranted. Yet, there is a paucity of research available on dance team participants and their perceptions of their body appearance. Because dance team members wear a designated uniform/outfit, dance to a learned synchronized routine, and perform in front of an audience, they are subjected to visual scrutinization of fans/viewers. The uniqueness of the stressors and demands placed on the dancers complicates this issue. Additional knowledge of how dance team members perceive how they look and what the audience thinks of them in regards to abilities and their physical appearance deserves further investigation. Dealing with such information will not only benefit dance team members body image and self-esteem, but assist coaches and directors in ways to assist young women in resulting body image dissatisfaction.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
None

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U.S. Sports Academy2015-10-02T23:24:23-05:00January 24th, 2014|Contemporary Sports Issues, General, Sports Studies and Sports Psychology, Women and Sports|Comments Off

Parental Support Behaviors for Children Participating in Community Soccer Programs.

Submitted by Alan C. Taylor, Ph.D., John T. Schweichler, B.S., Bryce L. Jorgensen, Ph.D., Ember H. McKown, B.S. and Melissa Teresak, B.S.

ABSTRACT
The current study examined the perceptions of parental supportive behaviors and activities when children are involved in community recreational soccer programs. A sample of 145 parents completed the online survey. Children ranged in age from 3-18 years old and had a mean age of 6.02 (SD= 0.86). Demographic information was gathered and twenty supportive behavior statements with likert-type scales were drawn from four general support categories: Instrumental Support, Communicative Support with Coaches, Communicative Support during Games, and Communicative Support with Child Before and After Games. Results indicated that parents were most likely to perform Instrumental Support types of behaviors (M=4.55) which included supportive activities such as attending games and practices, purchasing proper soccer equipment, and bringing game snacks. Attending their child’s soccer game (M=4.81, SD = 0.39), showing love and affection to the child who is upset and disappointed after a game (M=4.71, SD = 0.47), and purchasing and providing the correct soccer equipment (M=4.70, SD = .053) were the top-ranked parental supportive behaviors. Freely voicing frustration/opinions during the game when disagreeing with a coach’s decision (M=1.49, SD = 0.68) was ranked the lowest among all supportive behaviors. The results suggest that the goals parents have for their soccer playing children center around positive social development. Parental actions and behaviors related to visible and verbal encouragement were rated very highly as supportive activities while voicing frustration at coaches, children’s teammates, referees and their own children were rated among the lowest. These results may lead to potential collaboration between parents and coaches regarding the development of their players and children.

INTRODUCTION
Researchers use many approaches to investigate the influence of sports on individuals as well as the influence of parents on their children. Millions of youth each year take part in sports, which can foster positive development (15). Of paramount importance to a successful youth sport experience is the relational environment (7).

Youth sports provide an opportunity for parents and children to form an emotional bond. Research by Dorsch, Smith and McDonough (6) found that parents experienced many changes in their behavior, cognition, affect, and general parent-child relationship as a result of their child’s participation in youth sports. Similarly, a child’s perceived quality of the parent-child relationship has been shown to be a predictor of a child’s enjoyment and experience while playing the sport (12-13, 16).

Parents play a large role in the sport experience of their children (10). In fact, parents have been shown to have the largest impact compared to peers, teachers, and coaches (18). Their influences can be communicated through support and their own motivations for their child’s participation (5). For this study, we have defined parental support as overt behaviors and activities parents perform to help children be successful in their selected activity and to help them feel positive about their efforts.

Support can be material such as registration (1) or emotional support (9). Results reported by Brustad (2-3) suggest that parental beliefs and positive sentiments about their child’s physical activity was a greater influence on a child participation and motivation than role-playing factors. Thus, it is important to understand the types of support that many parents provide and view as important.

Previous research has shown that parents have an important role in their child’s development (17) and more recent research suggests this extends into a parent’s involvement in their child’s activities, such youth sports programs (6, 13). We argue that relational scaffolding theory, as postulated by Vygotsky (17), can be used to conceptualize the parent-child interactions surrounding community youth sport participation. Relational scaffolding theory assumes that children learn through supportive interactions with others which make possible thoughts or actions that otherwise would be outside of the grasp of the child. For example, when teaching a child a skill, a parent may begin training the child using a great deal of hands-on instruction and modeling. As the child becomes increasingly more confident in performing the skill, the parent allows the child to function without as much modeling and guidance, while still offering support as needed. Eventually, after the support and training of the parent over a period of time and with increasing mastery, the child is able to maneuver the skill without any assistance from parent.

Since youth sports have been viewed by previous researchers and scholars as a mode of instruction, socialization, and development (4, 8, 11), understanding the nature of the interactions between parents and children is important. To this end, the current study investigates the nature of parent’s involvement and their supportive behaviors during their child’s participation in a community soccer program. The following two research questions guided this inquiry: What behaviors and activities do parents perform to show support of their child’s involvement in a community soccer program? Which supportive behaviors are done the most and least often by parents?

METHODS
Data was gathered in collaboration with an Eastern North Carolina county’s recreation and parks department. E-mail addresses of parents whose children participated in the most recent community soccer league were provided by the recreation department. Three hundred and seventeen parents were then emailed invitations to complete an online survey of 24 general demographic questions as well as 20 parental support statements using five-point likert scales (1=strongly disagree to 5=strongly agree). If they agreed to take part in the study and before starting the survey, the parents were asked to read and electronically sign the research study’s consent to participate agreement. Upon consent, parents were presented the twenty statements regarding the behaviors and activities they use to demonstrate their support and encouragement for their children’s soccer participation (i.e., “I support my child’s soccer participation by…teaching soccer skills and providing soccer instructions to my child at home). Assuming that some of the targeted parents would have multiple children playing in community youth soccer program during the same season, we instructed the responding parents to respond to survey questions as they related only to their youngest child participating in the soccer league. This strategy was incorporated in order to reduce biases of selective support behaviors and to have the parent focus on supportive behaviors for one particular child.

Sample
Our final sample consists of 145 parents with an average age of 37.5 years. Twenty-seven were male (18.6%) and the remaining 118 were female (81.4%). Regarding reported ethnicity, the current parent sample consisted of 113 Caucasians (77.9%), eight African-Americans (5.5%), four Asians (2.8%), and four Latino/as (2.7%). Eighty-two parents responded to the survey regarding their sons (56.6%), while 61 responded regarding their daughters (42.1%). The average age of the youngest participating child was 6.04 years, with their ages ranging from 3-11 years old. Finally, 126 of the parents were married (83.4%), while ten parents were single-never married (6.6%) and 9 were single-divorced (6.0%).

Analysis
To determine the highest and lowest overall parental support behaviors, the statistical means for each supportive statement were calculated and analyzed (see Table 1). Table 1 shows the four distinct parental support categories and their overall collective means scores. In addition, the table shows the overall mean scores and corresponding standard deviation for each of the individualized supportive behaviors statements. The mean scores of each parental support behaviors were also ranked from 1-20, with one being the highest score and the behavior most likely performed by parents within this sample and 20 being the lowest score and the behavior to be least likely performed. Finally, an independent t-test analysis was performed to determine if there were significant differences between the reported means scores of parental support behaviors for male and female children. Statistical significance level for t-test analysis was set at p < .05. Table 1. Means, Standard Deviations and Rank of Parental Support for Children’s Participation in Community Soccer

RESULTS
Among the collective parental support behaviors, parents indicated that they were most likely to perform Instrumental Support types of behaviors (M=4.55). This category included supportive activities such as attending games and practices, purchasing equipment, and bringing game snacks (See Table 1). Communicative Support with Child Before and After Games was the second highest collective parental supportive behaviors category (M=4.38) and included supportive behaviors such as giving advice and playing instruction before and after games, and showing love after a disappointing game. Attending their child’s soccer game (M=4.81, SD = 0.39), showing love and affection to the child who is upset and disappointed after a game (M=4.71, SD = 0.47), and purchasing and providing the correct soccer equipment (M=4.70, SD = .053) were the top-ranked parental supportive behaviors.

Communicating with their child’s coach/coaches through e-mail or phone throughout the season (M=4.63, SD = 0.54) was rated as the highest support behavior in the category of Communicative Support with Coaches. The three lowest ranked parental supportive behaviors all came from the Communicative Support During Game category. Freely voicing frustration/opinions during the game when disagreeing with a coach’s decision (M=1.49, SD = 0.68) was ranked the lowest among all supportive behaviors. Freely voicing frustration/opinions during the game when their child or another player makes a mistake (M=1.57, SD = 0.68) and letting the referee know when they are not pleased with a call or lack of a call (M=1.78, SD = 0.98) were both also in the bottom three lowest ranked parental supportive behaviors. When analyzing potential statistical differences of parental support behaviors for male and female children, independent t-tests showed that there were no differences at the p < .05 level. DISCUSSION AND IMPLICATIONS
Ogilvie (14) suggested that a child in sports will discover that the most rewarding attribute to their own success while participating is if they are intrinsically motivated and supported. However, Vygotsky (17) argued that parents play a critical role in the development of their child in many activities. Thus, it is important to understand the relational environment created by parent’s support behaviors within a recreational sport environment. To this end, results from the current study are the first to examine the supportive behaviors of parents within the context of a child’s participation in a community recreational sport program. The results suggest that parents goals for their children center around positive social development. Actions and behaviors related to visible and verbal encouragement, were rated very highly as supportive activities while voicing frustration at coaches, children’s teammates, referees, and their own children were rated among the lowest. In other words, it was reported that voicing encouragement and approval towards their children or their teammates for playing well during the game was considered by many to be a very effective way of showing parental support. This seems to show that parents likely recognize that their positive verbal communication during a game can demonstrate their positive supportive, while their negative verbal communication demonstrates low support. As was reported earlier, the mean age for the children was 6.02 years old. Therefore, parents with these younger children seem to want to make sure their children are given opportunities to have positive experiences and environments and they seem to be able to help make that happen. Competitive supporting behaviors (criticizing the referees, coaches, or players) that seem to relate to a team’s performance did not seem to rank highly on the parent’s list of supportive activities. This might be the difference between having children play in a recreational league versus having them play in a more competitive league or on a travel soccer team. It may also have to do with how young most of the children were when data was gathered (mean of 6 years). Competitive supporting behaviors may become more prevalent as players get older and/or move to more competitive leagues.

Responses to the positive social development items also support the theory of relational scaffolding posited by Vygotsky (17). They indicate that parents view sports as a “relational scaffold” through which children can learn skills that might otherwise be just outside of their grasp. In addition, many parents reported that they provided a high level of material (i.e., attending games, purchasing equipment or snacks) and emotional support (i.e., voicing encouragement or offering advice before, during, or after games) to their children. This indicates that the parents from the current sample work simultaneously to supplement the relational scaffolding that occurs during youth sport participation.

CONCLUSION AND SPORT APPLICATIONS
These results may lead to potential collaborations between parents and coaches regarding the development of their players and children. Parents’ moderate-to-strong agreement that they regularly communicated with coaches throughout the season in general and also before, during, and after games indicated there is a channel for such communication. The data indicated that parents seem to want to be communicative with their child’s coaches and coaches may need to provide opportunities so that this type of communication can occur successfully. Successful and deliberate parent-coach communication may allow parents to feel they are better supporting their children’s soccer participation. Further, the results indicated that parents moderately agreed that they voiced their encouragement to coaches if they supported coaching decisions. This is in contrast to the relatively low ratings for items regarding expressing frustration with coaches. Although the current study did not ascertain the specifics of these communications, these findings do support the potential for collaboration between coaches and parents in the facilitation of a child’s advancement through relational scaffolding by both parties.
Recreational youth soccer league organizers could benefit from developing and implementing collaborative coaches-parental educational seminars that would best teach parents how to show support for their child’s participation, while still encouraging positive supportive behaviors in regard to the team, players, and coaches. Coaches might also benefit from similar parent-coaches educational seminars that might teach them how to better facilitate effective parental support activities as well as effective communication techniques. In many youth recreational sports leagues, coaches are volunteer parent-coaches who are regularly looking for ways to build successful team unity, which goes beyond the players and encompasses the parents and their support activities.

The current study has a few limitations worthy of note. First, the sample size is small and is derived from a single community. Though the results are still informative, they are limited in their generalizability. Gathering parental support data from multiple youth community soccer leagues from various areas throughout the country would have likely provided more generalizable results. Another limitation to consider is the ages of the children for whom the parents reported their support behaviors. The mean age of the children for this data was 6 years of age. If our sample would have included more adolescent children, ages (12-18), the parental supportive behaviors might have been slightly different.

The potential existence of a collaborative system of interactions among parents and coaches to facilitate positive development through relational scaffolding is important and should be studied further. Specifically, future research might involve the examination of coaches’ supportive behaviors and how they agree or disagree with parental supportive behaviors. In addition, a deeper understanding of the developmental needs and abilities of children at different ages when playing soccer would likely benefit parents and coaches when placing expectations on children’s playing abilities and cognitive understanding. Therefore, an investigation of coaches’ and parents’ understanding of developmentally appropriate physical and cognitive abilities would prove helpful. Such research would provide an understanding of adult interactions surrounding children’s participation in youth supports and open a dialogue as to how parents and coaches can provide appropriate mentorship of children attempting to learn new skills and while still having fun in the process.

REFERENCES
1. Atsalakis, M. and Sleap, M. (1 996). Registration of children in a physical activity program: An application of the Theory of Planned Behavior. Pediatric Exercise Science, 8, 166-176.
2. Brustad, R.J. (1993). Who will go out and play? Parental and psychological influences on children’s attraction to physical activity. Pediatric Exercise Science, 5, 210-233.
3. Brustad, R.J (1996). Attraction to physical activity in urban schoolchildren: Parent socialization and gender influences. Research Quarterly for Exercise and Sport, 67, 316-323.
4. Coakley, J. (2011). Youth sports: What counts as “positive development?” Journal of Sport and Social Issues, 25, 306-324.
5. Dempsey, J. M., Kimiecik, J. C., & Horn, T. S. (1993). Parental influence on children’s moderate to vigorous physical activity participation: An Expectancy-value approach. Pediatric Exercise Science, 5, 151–167
6. Dorsch, T.E., Smith, A.L., McDonough, M.H. (2009). Parents’ perceptions of child-to-parent socialization in organized youth sport. Journal of Sport and Exercise Psychology, 31, 444-468.
7. Fry, M.D. (2010). Creating a positive climate for young athletes from day 1. Journal of Sport Psychology in Action, 1, 33-41.
8. Fry, M. D., & Gano-Overway, L. A. (2010). Parental influences on youth involvement in sports. In M. R. Weiss (Ed.), Developmental sport and exercise psychology: A lifespan perspective. (pp. 145-164). Morgantown, WV: Fitness Information Technology.
9. Hellstedt, J.C. (1987). The coach-parent-athlete relation. The Sport Psychologist, 1,151-160.
10. Hellstedt, J. C. (1990). Early adolescent perceptions of parental pressure in the sport environment. Journal of Sport Behavior, 13, 135-144.
11. Hoffman, J. P. (2006). Extracurricular activities, athletic participation, and adolescent alcohol use: Gender-differentiated and school-contextual effects. Journal of Health and Social Behavior, 47, 275-290.
12. Kanters, M.A., Bocarro, J., & Casper, J. (2008). Supported or pressured? An examination of agreement among parents and children on parent’s role in youth sports. Journal of Sport Behavior, 31(1), 64-80.
13. Keegan, R., Spray, C., Harwood, C., & Lavallee, D. (2010). The motivational atmosphere in youth sport: Coach, parent, and peer influences on motivation in specializing sport participants. Journal of Applied Sport Psychology, 22, 87-105.
14. Ogilvie, B. (1979). The child athlete: Psychological implications of participation in sport. Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 445, 47-58.
15. Strachan, L., Cȏté, J., & Deakin, J. (2009). An evaluation of personal and contextual factors in competitive youth sport. Journal of Applied Sport Psychology, 21, 340-355.
16. Ullrich-French, S., & Smith, A. L. (2006). Perceptions of relationships with parents and peers in youth sport: Independent and combined prediction of motivational outcomes. Psychology Of Sport And Exercise, 7(2), 193-214.
17. Vygotsky, L.S. (1978). Mind in society: The development of higher psychological processes. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
18. Weiss, M. R. & Barber, H. (1995). Socialization influences of collegiate female athletes: A tale of two decades. Sex Roles, 33, 129-140.

U.S. Sports Academy2014-01-21T11:27:51-06:00January 21st, 2014|Contemporary Sports Issues, Sports Studies and Sports Psychology|Comments Off

Amateur Soccer Players and the Phenomenon of Motivation

Submitted by Papanikolaou Zissis and Dr. Asterios Patsiaouras

ABSTRACT
The relationship between various types of psychological and social motivation in amateur soccer players was examined in this paper.Twenty eight males and 14females who participated in this study regularly engaged in soccer. The amateur soccer players ranged in experience from beginning to advanced soccer, with the majority self-reporting at an intermediate level. Subjects were given Butt’s Short Scales for the Measurement of Sport Motivation. Males and females soccer players scored similarly on the aggression scale. Female amateur soccer players scored significantly higher on the conflict scale than did male soccer players. Identical means were found for males and females on the competence scale. There were no differences found between males and females on the motivational scales for competition and cooperation. Due to the small number of subjects who have participated, general conclusions can only be made with great caution.

INTRODUCTION

Interest in the sport of soccer has greatly increased in recent years, bringing men and women into fields. According to FIFA survey of 2007 (41), 265 million male and female players in addition to 5 million referees and officials make a grand total of 270 million people or 4% of the world’s population-who are actively involved in the game of soccer. Among the most pleasing signs is the continuing growth of the women’s game. The number of men and women playing soccer is expanding the world over. One especially important statistic that can be drawn from the number of registered players is the proportion made up by youngsters, who constitute 54.7% of all registered male players and as many as 69.6% of the women. The greater number of young players in the women’s game is a reflection of the impressive growth in women’s football, which has also resulted in a significant increase in the number of registered amateur players (up 130% compared to 16% in the men’s game). These figures dearly indicate that FIFA and its associations are on the right track to increasing the popularity of soccer even further in the future.

Understanding and enhancing motivation has long been a major concern in sport. Without motivation athletes would not desire to excel in their sport, coaches would no longer strive to unify the team, and a player’s drive to set and reach goals would end. Roberts (28) defines motivation as “those personality factors, social variables, and/or cognitions that come into play when a person undertakes a task at which he/she is evaluated, enters into competition with others, or attempts to attain some standard of excellence”. (p. 5).

The biggest and most common reason that affects soccer performance is soccer motivation or lack of it. Without motivation all soccer players will crumble under the various pressures and problems soccer manages to throw up. Generally, speaking motivation is guided by the hope of success and the fear of failure. When you lack the self-belief and confidence, there is a good chance you also lack motivation.

Motivation is an internal energy force that determinates all aspects of our behavior, it also impacts on how we think, feel and interact with others. In sport, high motivation is widely accepted as an essential prerequisite in getting athletes to fulfill their potential. However, given its inherently abstract nature, it is a force that is often difficult to explain fully. Some coaches, appear to have a “magic touch” being able to get a great deal more out of a team than the sum of its individual parts; others find motivation to be an elusive concept they are forever struggling to master. Motivation is a dynamic and multifaceted phenomenon that can be manipulated, to some degree at least in the pursuit of superior sporting performance.

Some theories and models of motivation were examined, as they relate to sport. The study of motivation is the investigation of the energization and direction of behavior (28). Early theories of motivation (Mechanistic theories) viewed humans as being passive and driven by psychological drives. More recently, however, cognitive approaches have been developed to explain behaviour from the beliefs or thoughts that people have. The following are some major approaches to motivation, followed by the theory that is the basis of this paper.

Roberts (28) suggests that the search for the “right” theory of motivation is not yet within our grasp; however many excellent efforts are available. Need Achievement Theory, introduced by Murray (25) and further developed by McClelland and Atkinson (24), suggests two motive states that elicit action: (a) the motive to achieve success, and (b) the motive to avoid failure. This theory reflects the philosophy of our Western society, which places value on gaining rewards, high achievement, and moving forward and improving our position within society (5). Research in sport with Need Achievement Theory has been inconclusive.

In recent years, the cognitive approach has been the dominant paradigm in understanding motivation. This refers to how cognitions or thoughts govern behavior. Within this approach is Attribution Theory, which is concerned with the methods and attributes that an individual uses in attempting to account for the causes of behavior (36,37,38). The way in which one attributes the cause of an outcome will affect the expectation of future successes and failures. The expectation of future outcomes will affect the striving for achievement (28). Although this theory has focused upon why people expect to succeed, it neglects to explain why people want to succeed.

More recently, Social Cognitive Approaches have incorporated affect, expectations, and values in order to explain motivated behaviors (28). Bandura’s (2) theory of Self-Efficacy refers to the assessment of one’s own capability in performing at a given level. This theory suggests that the self-perception of the performer determines motivations and aspirations and not the actual ability of the performer. Research within the sport setting indicates self-efficacy to be a modest predictor of sport performance (11, 12, 23), although many others factors may contribute to behavioral change (3,12).

The perception of one’s competence may also determine behaviors in sport. Harter (17) developed a model of perceived competence which suggested that perceived competence and intrinsic pleasure gained from success will increase achievement striving, while perceived incompetence and displeasure may lead to anxiety and a decrease in achievement striving. Much of the research with Harter’s model has been performed with children with favourable results; however, children have notoriously been inaccurate in estimating their comparative ability (13, 26, 29,32).

A model developed by Butt (4) focuses on the motivational components specific to sport and is the basis of this study. Butt indicates that motivation in sport evolves on four levels: (a) the biological, (b) the psychological, (c) the social, and (d) the reinforcement level. The first and the fourth levels provide two major sources, or influences of sports motivation: (a) a biological energy or life force, and (b) a set of learned reinforcements. These reinforcements may be extrinsic (i.e., overt rewards) or intrinsic (i.e., feelings of well-being and personal growth). The psychological and social levels contain the five constructs that will be examined in this paper. Aggression, conflict, and competence are the three styles of sport motivation contained within the psychological level, and the other two constructs of competition and cooperation contains the level of social motivation.

The aggressive athlete appears to have a great deal of energy, and thus seems to be eager, active, and impulsive. If frustrated, the aggressive athlete may verbally or physically attack others. This involves feelings of power, vivacity, anger, and strength, and often lacks self- control. He or she may also be quick to find fault in others (5).

The conflict-ridden athlete often complains and makes excuses. This athlete may be unhappy, and is usually slow to fulfil his or her goals. Life energy is channeled into opposing purposes and pursuits, such as the desire to express impulse versus quilt for the expression of impulse. Energy is used to mediate the struggle between opposing purposes. Conflict can result in self-destructiveness, self-absorption, blaming others, complaints, worries, depression and inactivity, weeping, and other nervous symptoms (5).

The competence – oriented athlete usually displays more maturity and self–insight than the others. This athlete seeks new challenges and displays confidence in his or her sport. Life energy is channeled into interacting effectively and purposefully with the environment. The individual expects to have the effect on the environment that he or she desires to have and the expectations are realistic. Joy, pleasure, elation, and self-esteem accompany activity and interaction with the environment. Setbacks and failures are accepted as a realistic part of development from which new learning and new development may evolve(5).

The level of social motivation contains the constructs of competition and cooperation. The motivation of a competitively oriented athlete is derived primarily from the desire to defeat others. A contest or competitive sporting event is seen as a chance to dominate others and display assertiveness. The competitively motivated athlete also places importance on status and position, which may lead to frustration and resentment if such goals are not achieved (4).The individual wants to defeat others, to be number one, to have rivals, and sees the environment as an adversary over which one must triumph (5).

The cooperative athlete sees others as partners in the sporting event or contest. The contest is seen as an opportunity for personal growth and skill development. The cooperative athlete is usually good-natured and shows concern for his or her competitors while striving for personal excellence (4). The major social motive in a contest is derived from participating with others, from feeling part of the group, team or club. The individual desires to raise the performance of all as a group experience, cares for others, empathizes, and congratulates others. The perception of the environment is that of supportive and interdependent with the self (5).

One of the most popular and widely tested approaches to motivation in sport and other achievement domains is self-determination theory, that examines the effect of the social context on motivation and individual behaviors (9,10, 30). This theory is based on a number of motives or regulations, which vary in terms of the degree of self-determination they reflect. Self-determination has to do with the degree to which your behaviors are chosen and self-initiated. The behavioral regulations can be placed on a self-determination continuum. From the least to the most self-determined they are amotivation, external regulation, introjected regulation, identified regulation, integrated regulation and intrinsic motivation.

According to Hungarian psychologist MihalyiCsikszentmihalyi (7,8), the highest level of intrinsic motivation is flow state. Flow is characterized by complete immersion in an activity to the degree that nothing else matters. Central to the attainment of flow is a situation in which there is a perfect match between the perceived demands of an activity and an athletes’ perceived ability or skills. During flow, self-consciousness is last and athletes become one with the activity.
Motivation has been studied in many sports such as figure skating (31); rugby (19); and gymnastics (39). There is a lack of research, however, on the motivation of soccer. Research is necessary in this sport due to the favor of its participants and increasing popularity and participation by men and women of all ages. Therefore, this literature review is limited to test data from other types of athletes, and other psychological studies involving male and female soccer players.
Gender differences investigated in this study pertained to differences in motivation. Investigating the motivations of competitive and amateur soccer players is a necessary step in understanding this complex and popular sport. The diversity among the many theories and models of motivation reminds us of the vast number of possibilities as to why we behave the way we do in sport. Measuring a construct such as motivation in sport is a difficult task due to the endless, number of variables in an athlete’s personality. However, human nature dictates that similarities do exist among our personalities which, if measured, help us to predict our behavior.

STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM
The purpose at this study was to examine the relationship between various types of psychological and social motivation in soccer and to compare motivation between male and female amateur soccer players. For the purpose of this paper, motivation was operationally defined as the score on the Sport Motivation Scale.The hypothesis of this study was: There will be no difference on any of motivational scales between male and female soccer players (aggression, conflict, competence, competition and cooperation).

METHODS
Research Design
The research design employed was a descriptive study. Amateur soccer players who played in the area of Philadelphia, USA, were asked to complete Butt’s (4) short scales for the Measurement of Sport Motivation. Forty-two adult male and female amateur soccer players completed and returned the questionnaires.

Subjects
Participants were 42 adult (age 18 years or over) soccer players, males (n=28) and females (n=14), who regularly engaged in soccer (worked out at least two days per week). The male subjects ranged in the age from 18 to 38 years (M=28.7±4.50), and the females ranged in age from 20 to 35 years (M=28±3.80). Subjects were members of two amateur soccer teams chosen by the first researcher.

Measuring Instrument
Subjects completed Butt’s (4) short scales for the Measurement of Sport Motivations questionnaire. The survey was developed to measure motivation specifically in the sport context. The scales measured the motivational components of aggression, conflict, competence, competition and cooperation. These constructs were measured by 10 items on each scale. Internal consistency measures ranged from .69 (aggression) to .74 (competition). Test-retest reliability ranged from .50 (competence) to .80 (conflict) across a two-week interval. A total of 52 questionnaires were distributed (26 at each team) with 42 being returned for a return rate of 80.8%. Four weeks allowed for returning the questionnaire. No questionnaires were received after that time.

Data analysis
Descriptive statistics were calculated for the Sport Motivation Scales. A one-way analysis of variance (ANOVA) was computed to determine differences between genders. Correlation coefficients were also computed to investigate the relationships among the five components of motivation.

RESULTS
A one-way ANOVA was performed to compose gender with five components of motivation: (a) aggression, (b) conflict, (c) competence, (d) competition, and (e) cooperation. The overall scores are listed in Table 1. Table 2 indicates the mean values for this study and previously studied athletes from other areas of sport who were given the Sport Motivation Scales. Realizing the dangers of visual comparison of means, it appears that subjects in this study were responding differently from the other groups, especially in competence and cooperation. At the very least, the data suggest that further study in this area would be of interest.

Table 1.Motivational Component Scores for the Soccer Players by Gender.

Table 2. Mean Values for the Sport Motivation Scales for Various Athletes

With respect to male and female soccer players, females scored significantly higher on the conflict scale (M=3.14) than the males (M=1.71) (F=5.40). The other four motivational components were not found to be significantly different between males and females. Results are provided in Table 3.
Interestingly, there were identical means for both males and females on the competence scale (M=7.29).

Table 3.Results of ANOVA for Gender and the Five Motivational Components

In an attempt to test Butt’s (4) theory, correlation coefficients were computed to investigate the relationships among the five motivational components (see Table 4). As predicted by Butt’s theory, the psychological component of competence was significantly correlated with the social component of cooperation (r=.66). Further support for her theory was a significant correlation of the psychological component of aggression with the social component of competition (r=.51). However, aggression was also correlated with competence (r=.46) and cooperation (r=.38), which were not consistent with Butt’s theory that there would be no correlation between their components.

Table 4. Correlation Coefficients Comparing the Five Motivational Components and Amateur Soccer Players

The results indicated differences between males and females on the conflict scale, and similarities among males and females on the aggression, competence, competition, and cooperation scales.

DISCUSSION
The information gained from this study suggested more similarities than differences between male and female amateur soccer players. Due to the limited number of subjects in this study, interpreting the data for these groups was difficult, and general conclusions should be made with great caution.

Males and females scored similarly on the aggression scale. Very often society sees men as the more aggressive sex, making this similarity difficult to explain. Klein (20) suggests that women athletes may feel an increase in control over their bodies, the aging process, and other aspects that may lead to feelings of empowerment. Their feelings of empowerment by the women may have been presented on this questionnaire in the aggression scale. Some of the responses in the aggression scale included the words “powerful”, “excited”, and “full of energy”. These are all words that could suggest feelings of empowerment.

Female soccer players scored significantly higher on the conflict scale than did male soccer players. One explanation for the women’s higher scores on the conflict scale may be due to the stereotype and/or belief that muscular women do not look feminine. Klein (20) suggests that gender role conflict can occur in female athletes when women desire to build athletic body (muscle mass), but also want to remain attractive to men.

Another explanation for the higher conflict score for the women concerns the questionnaire itself. The 10 responses on the questionnaire that measured conflict contained certain words or phrases that may have been stereotypically attributed to women more than men. For instance, Item 6 reads, “moody for no real reason”, and Item 12 states, “guilty for not doing better”’. Words such as “moody” and “guilty” have been thoughtby many to pertain to women’s feelings more than men (34), possibly making it less likely for a male to answer “yes” to questions such as these.

Identical means were found for males and females on the competence scale. Both sexes scored high on this scale with the greatest number of “yes” responses than with any other scale on the questionnaire. This may be due, in part, to the ease of “taking good” on this scale. Some of the items on the competence scale include “trustworthy”, “improving yourself” and “happier than ever”, making it more likely for the participants to answer “yes” to these items if they wanted to appear in a positive manner.

According to Butt’s (4) theory a tendency of one of the psychological components of motivation would predict dominance in one of the social components of motivation of either competition or cooperation. Since there were no significant differences between males and females in the competition or cooperation scales, one cannot predict dominance at any social components of motivation with the subjects in this study. Although female amateur soccer players were significantly higher on the conflict scale, they were not higher on the competition scale, as predicted by Butt’s theory that a higher conflict score will likely result in a higher competition score.

A study examining the relationship between athletes’ goal orientations and their levels of intrinsic and extrinsic motivation indicated that British Collegiate athletes with task-related or personal mastery goals were far more likely to report high self-determination than athletes with ego-orientated or social comparision-type goals (27).

A recent study showed that during competition deemed to be important, intrinsically motivated athletes developed task-oriented (positive) coping strategies (1).Gϋrbϋzet al. (16) indicated that male soccer players rated improvement and 21,4% of the players rated the “team spirit” as their participation motive.
Results of Gillet andRosnet (15) revealed that male athletes perceived themselves as being more competent than female athletes, but female athletes exhibited a higher self-determinated profile. This is not surprising given male athletes typically display higher self-confidence than female athletes (21, 33, 35). One explanation suggested for gender differences in perceived competence may be that males are boastful and think they will do better than they do (22). Also their results showed that male athletes exhibited more external regulation and less intrinsic motivation than female athletes. In other words, females appeared to take part in sport activities for the pleasure derived from the activity itself more than for extrinsic motives. These results were in line with past studies in the sport context (6, 14) and confirmed that gender differences should be taken into consideration in the sport domain. However, contrary to a study conducted by Hollembeak and Amorose’s (18) their findings did not confirm that females reported higher scores on perceived autonomy and perceived relatedness than males. They proposed that future investigations should continue to explore gender differences in basic need satisfaction in order to gain a better understanding of the motivational processes underpinning sport participation.

When interpreting the results of this study, it is important to consider the need for a possible revalidation of Butt’s (4) Short Scales for the Measurement of Sport Motivation. Some items may need to be reworded or omitted to ensure equal interpretation by males and females, as well as subjects of various racial groups and socioeconomic statuses. Ideally, this inventory would have the ability to be valid considering the changing attitudes in society so it can be utilized in the future.

Overall, this information will be useful to those involved in the sport of soccer. Since female soccer players scored significantly higher than male soccer players on the conflict scale, soccer coaches may need to become more sensitive to issues of female soccer players, and provide a supportive atmosphere to beginning female players.

CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
The present research was on attempt to broaden our understanding of soccer players’ motivation. When comparing gender with motivation, female soccer players scored significantly higher on the conflict scale than did male amateur soccer players. No differences were found on the scales of aggression, competence, competition, or cooperation.

In conclusion, investigating the motivation of amateur male and female soccer players is a necessary step in understanding this complex and popular sport. Measuring a construct such as motivation in sport is a difficult task due to the endless number of variables in an athlete’s personality. However, human nature dictates that similarities do exist among our personalities, which, if measured, can help us to predict our behavior.

Future studies would be enhanced by administering the Short Scales for the Measurement of Sport Motivations (4) to professional, semi-professional, college, high schools competitive male and female soccer players. Generalizations may be easier to make for strictly competitive subjects due to their similar goals and soccer lifestyle. Administer the questionnaire to the same subjects over a period of time. Subjects could be tested over several months or years to investigate any changes in motivational styles. Other methods of studying soccer players should be utilized to investigate their motivational components. In-depth interviews and field studies could provide information not easily gained via questionnaire.

APPLICATIONS IN SPORT
The results of this study provide useful informationto those who are involved in the sport of soccer (coaches, educators, participants etc.). Since female soccer players scored significantly higher than male soccer players on the conflict scale, soccer coaches should be more sensitive to issues of female soccer players, trying to offer a supportive atmosphere for the amateur female players. This will be beneficial for the motivation of the players, not only for the females but also for themales.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I would like to express my gratitude to all soccer players who made this research possible with their willingness to participate.

REFERENCES
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13. Feltz, D.L., &Petlichkoff, L. (1983). Perceived competence among interscholastic sport participants and dropouts. Canadian Journal of Applied Sport Sciences, 8, 231-235.
14. Fortier, M. S., Vallerand, R. J., Brière, N. M., &Provencher, P. (1995). Competitive and recreational sport structures and gender: A test of their relationship with sport motivation. International Journal of Sport Psychology, 26,24-39.
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U.S. Sports Academy2014-01-14T10:21:08-06:00January 14th, 2014|Contemporary Sports Issues, Sports Studies and Sports Psychology|Comments Off

ABSTRACT

Body image is a complex synthesis of psychophysical elements that are perpetual, emotional, cognitive, and inesthetic (1). The desire to achieve and maintain an ideal weight is a prevalent goal among females. The purpose of this study was to examine a female population of competitive dancers, control, and fitness cohorts’ body image and eating characteristics. A total of 51 (29 dancers, 12 control, and 10 fitness) subjects completed the MBSRQ-AS, EAT-26, a Physical Activity Questionnaire, Stunkard Figural Silhouettes, and body fat measurements. A MANOVA was conducted to determine group differences and showed a significant relation (Wilk’s Lambda = .106, F=8.735, p<001). Post hoc tests were conducted to determine directionality and showed that the dancers scored significantly higher on the Appearance Orientation subscale (p =.034) with no difference between the control and fitness cohort. Dancers also significantly perceived themselves to be overweight (p=.048) with no difference between the other two groups. Both the dancers (p<.001) and the fitness cohort (p<.001) scored as exhibiting disordered eating patterns as rated by the EAT-26. Even though the dancers had a low percent body fat (M=17.6), they tended to place more importance on how they look. The dancers perceived themselves to be overweight and engaged in disordered eating patterns. These types of perceptions and behaviors are disturbing, but not surprising since dancers have a drive for thinness to compete (2). To fully understand the scope of the issue and the psychological factors that accompany the quest for achieving a certain appearance, future research should include other female cohorts such as elite athletes, obligatory exercisers, and sedentary females to determine any similarities and differences in the groups.

INTRODUCTION

Research has documented and quantified a shift towards a thinner ideal shape for females in the Western culture for the past 20 years (3). Body image has been shown in numerous studies to be a key issue for females. Body image has been described as a multidimensional construct that describes internal,subjective representations of physical and bodily appearance (4). The internal representations of one’s own body include both cognitive and perceptual elements (5). In addition, eating disorders have been shown to be prevalent in females with more than 90 percent of those with eating disorders are women between the ages of 12 and 25 years of age (6, 7, 8). Research indicates that both of these factors (body image and eating disorders) are present among elite performers of certain sports or physical activities, ballet dancers, and professional dancers (8). Yet little has been reported on dance team participants (9, 10, 11).

The current emerging phenomenon of dance teams has witnessed the rise invisibility of participants at sporting events and are known for their pre-game and half-time routines. Dance teams are comprised of competitive dancers who are required to practice for long hours in movements, choreography, and synchronicity among dancers. Participants are also required to incorporate specific choreography (i.e., contemporary, hip-hop, or jazz) and technical skills (jumps, kicks, and other gymnastic-type skills) into the routine. It is highly competitive and requires hours of rehearsal to master precise movements in harmony with other members of the team.

With the growing number of females participating in dance team competition,a further examination of the psychosocial factors that accompany this new sport warrants investigation including the importance of assessing potential body image disturbance. This study was designed to examine the perceptions of dance team participants, fitness participants, and non-dancers in a college population.

METHODS

Upon Internal Review Board (IRB) approval, fifty one subjects were recruited from two university campuses. Informed consent was obtained prior to the study through an information letter that was administered to participants in dance and physical fitness classes.

Participants

Participants were female students enrolled in university classes and dance teams. Two university campuses were involved in the study and yielded a total of 51 participants. The study was comprised of 29 dancers, 10 fitness students,and 12 control subjects. The mean age and standard deviation for the participants were: dancers (M = 20.69, SD = 2.25), fitness (M = 25.40, SD =8.67), and control (M = 20.42, SD = 0.996). The dancers were from university dance teams, the fitness participants were enrolled in fitness classes, and the participants in the control group were randomly selected from general university courses.

Instruments

Each subject completed questionnaires assessing participant demographics,physical activity involvement using the NASA Physical Activity Scale and body image perceptions using the Stunkard Figural Rating Silhouettes. Eating behavior patterns were assessed utilizing the Eating Attitudes Test (EAT-26)and attitudes concerning body image were assessed with the Multi-dimensional Body-Self Relations Questionnaire (MBSRQ). Anthropometric measurements (height and weight) were then taken. Weight was taken using a Tanita WB-110A Digital Scale and height was taken using a using a Seca 420 measuring stadiometer. Body fat measurements were taken on each participant using an Omron Fat Loss Monitor, Model HBF-306C. The Fat Loss Monitor (Omron Fat Loss Monitor, ModelHBF-306C) displays the estimated value of body fat percentage by bioelectrical impedance method and indicates the Body Mass Index (BMI). The bioelectrical impedance, skinfold, and hydrostatic weighing methods have all been shown to be reliable measures of body composition (r = .957-.987). (23)

Eating Attitudes Test (EAT-26)

The Eating Attitudes Test (EAT-26) was used to differentiate participants with anorexia nervosa, bulimia nervosa, binge-eating, and those without disordered eating characteristics. It is a 26-item measurement consisting of three subscales: 1) dieting, 2) bulimia and food perception, and 3) oral control. Scoring for this instrument was a Likert scale of six possible answers(always, usually, often, sometimes, rarely, never). Scores ranged from zero to three for each question and a total score greater than 20 indicates excessive body image concern that may identify an eating disorder (20, 21). The EAT-26has been proven to be a reliable (r =.88) measurement. (7)

Figural Rating Silhouettes

Body size judgments were obtained using the Stunkard Figure Rating Scale(see figure 1). This scale consists of a nine-figure scale of numbered silhouettes that increase gradually in size from very thin (a value of 1) to very obese (a value of 9). (22) Two body size perception variables were included in the current study. “Self-perceived body size” is the number of the figure selected by participants in response to the prompt“Choose the figure that reflects how you think you currently look.”“Ideal body size” is the number of the figure chosen in response to the prompt “Choose your ideal figure.” This scale has good test-retest reliability and adequate validity (23, 24). Following the methods of other investigators, we defined body size satisfaction as the difference between self-perceived body size and ideal body size (25, 26, 27, 28). A body size discrepancy index variable was created for each participant by subtracting the number of the figure selected as the ideal body size from the number of the figure selected as the self-perceived current body size (28). A high body size discrepancy value signifies low satisfaction with body size, and a low value signifies greater satisfaction with body size.

Multidimensional Body-Self Relations Questionnaire

The Multidimensional Body-Self Relations Questionnaire (MBSRQ) is a 69 item self-report inventory for the assessment of self-attitudinal aspects of the body image construct. The MBSRQ measures satisfaction and orientation with body appearance, fitness, and health. In addition to seven subscales (Appearance Evaluation and Orientation, Fitness Evaluation and Orientation, Health Evaluation and Orientation, and Illness Orientation), the MBSRQ has three special multi-item subscales: (1) The Body Areas Satisfaction Scale (BASS)approaches body image evaluation as dissatisfaction-satisfaction with body areas and attributes; 2) The Overweight Preoccupation Scale assesses fat anxiety, weight vigilance, dieting, and eating restraint; and 3) The Self-Classified Weight Scale assesses self-appraisals of weight from“very underweight” to “very overweight.” Internal consistency for MBSRQ subscales range from .74 -.91. This questionnaire has been studied and used extensively in the college population. Internal consistency for the subscales of the MBSRQ ranged from .67 to .85 for males and .71 to .86 for females (9).

Physical Activity Scale

Level of physical activity was obtained by self-report with the NASA Activity Scale (NAS) (29, 30). The scale enables subjects to rate their general activity behavior over the previous 30 days. The scale range is from 0 to 10,which is based on the total weekly minutes spent in exercise or the total weekly miles run or walked. A NAS of 0-1 represents very low activity. A rating of 2-3 represents regular recreation or work of modest effort in such activities as golf or yard work for a weekly total of between 30 min to 2 h.Ratings of 4-10 represent regular participation in aerobic exercise ranging from light to heavy exercise.

Procedures

The participants were instructed by a trained individual to fill out the information packets provided on clipboards. First, the participants completed a personal identification and demographic sheet that contained general information such as age and dance or sport category. The participants then completed the MBSRQ-AS, the EAT-26, Physical Activity Questionnaire, and the Stunkard Figural Rating Scale (31, 20, 29, 22). As the participants completed the written component of the study, another trained individual took height and weight measures of the participants and recorded the body mass index (BMI) from a hand-held BIA analyzer. Weight was taken using a Tanita WB-110A Digital Scale and height was taken using a using a Seca 420 measuring stadiometer. A test/retest method was utilized for both measures to offset measurement error.In the measure of weight, the individual’s weight was recorded, the participant stepped off the digital scale and the scale was returned to“zero”. The measure was then taken again and recorded. In the measure of height, the same procedure of test/retest was used. When all measures were taken, the average of the two measures was then recorded. The measures were then taken by the researchers and converted using the formula(BMI = weight/height M2). BMI was then calculated and recorded for all participants. When the information was completed, the participants returned the packets to the trained administrator. Data sheets were collected and kept in a locked file cabinet for confidentiality.

A total of 51 participants completed the MBSRQ-AS, EAT-26, a Physical Activity Questionnaire, Stunkard Figural Silhouettes, and body fat measurements. Descriptive statistics are presented in Table 1. The Dancers and the Fitness group were significantly lower in body fat and higher in physical activity and the on the EAT-26. A MANOVA was conducted to determine group differences among the different measures and the subscales.

RESULTS

The MANOVA indicated a significant relation (Wilk’s Lambda = .106, F =8.735, p<.001). Post hoc tests were conducted and analyses were examined to determine directionality. Results showed that the dancers scored significantly higher on the Appearance Orientation subscale (p=.034) with no difference between the control and fitness cohort. Dancers also significantly perceived themselves to be overweight (p=.048) with no difference between the other two groups. Both the dancers (p<.001) and the fitness cohort (p<.001) scored as exhibiting disordered eating patterns as rated by the EAT-26 (see Table 2).

<src=”http://www.thesportjournal.org/files/Table 2-Percent Fat and Eat-26 Totals for Subjects.png”
width=”461″ height=”239″ />

Even though the dancers had a low percent body fat (M=17.6), they tended to place more importance on how they look. Body dissatisfaction measures often focus on body build and are operationalized as the difference between ideal and self-perceived current figure as selected from a group of drawings (32, 33,34). Measures of body dissatisfaction were computed by subtracting participants’ ratings of their Current Body Size (CBS) from their Ideal Body Size (IBS) to create a discrepancy index (DI). (28) The DI’s for each group were calculated with means and standard deviations recorded: Dancers(-.59/1.11), Fitness Group (-1.04/.966), and Control (-1.55/.85). The dancers in this study were dissatisfied with their bodies and wanted a thinner body as described in the discrepancy index, indicating a higher level of importance on their appearance (p=.045).

DISCUSSION

The primary focus of this investigation was to examine collegiate dance team participants to see if they exhibited body image distortions and disordered eating habits as exhibited in other female performers. Even though the dancers had a low percent body fat (M = 17.6), they tended to place more importance on how they look. The dancers perceived themselves to be overweight and engaged in disordered eating patterns. These types of perceptions and behaviors are disturbing, but not surprising since dancers have exhibited a drive for thinness to compete (2).

The findings of the data for this study are consistent with previous studies regarding body image in females (6, 35, 36). The females in this study perceived their current figure as heavier than their ideal figure. Although literature available on dancers exists, many of the studies have focused on ballet dancers and other professional dancer types. Future research should examine dance team participants to see if the pressures are similar (i.e.,rehearsing with mirrors and being viewed during their performance by an audience). To fully understand the scope of the issue and the psychological factors that accompany the quest for achieving a certain appearance, future research should include other female cohorts such as elite athletes, obligatory exercisers, and sedentary females to determine any similarities and differences in the groups.

While the dangers of distorted body image are present in the dance world,measures to minimize their impact should include coaches who focus on performance rather than personal appearance. Taking an active interest in how their dancers view themselves is critical to a more comprehensive understanding of the causes of body image concern. By further addressing this issue,researchers can also help minimize health risks in female participants as well as reduce body image dissatisfaction.

Limitations & Implications

Limitations to this study include the sample size. In addition, this study investigated indicators of disordered eating attitudes and behaviors rather than clinical diagnoses of eating disorders. Other variables that are contributing factors to the prevalence of disordered eating were not investigated. The results of the EAT-26 test were not intended to diagnose nor suggest an eating or life-threatening disorder; however, the EAT-26 was used because it has proven to be an effective screening tool in identifying eating disorder symptomology and allows for further investigation for treatment.

APPLICATIONS IN SPORT

Body image has been the subject of much research conducted in recent years.As a result, body image is now recognized a multidimensional construct with complex aspects, particularly perceptual. The majority of the existing data indicates that body image concerns are prevalent among American females. With the recent phenomenal growth of dance team participation and the increasing number of female participants; a closer examination is warranted. Yet, there is a paucity of research available on dance team participants and their perceptions of their body appearance. Because dance team members wear a designated uniform/outfit, dance to a learned synchronized routine, and perform in front of an audience, they are subjected to visual scrutinization of fans/viewers. The uniqueness of the stressors and demands placed on the dancers complicates this issue. Additional knowledge of how dance team members perceive how they look and what the audience thinks of them in regards to abilities and their physical appearance deserves further investigation. Dealing with such information will not only benefit dance team members body image and self-esteem, but assist coaches and directors in ways to assist young women in resulting body image dissatisfaction.

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7. Garner, D. M. & Garfinkel, P. E. (1979). The Eating Attitudes Test:An index of the symptoms of anorexia nervosa. Psychological Medicine,9, 273-279.

8. National Alliance for the Mentally Ill (2003). Fact sheet,http://www.ncsacw.samhsa.gov/files/

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